Over 60 years ago, Selye1 recognized the paradox that the physiologic systems activated by stress can not only protect and restore but also damage the body. What links these seemingly contradictory roles? How does stress influence the pathogenesis of disease, and what accounts for the variation in vulnerability to stress-related diseases among people with similar life experiences? How can stress-induced damage be quantified? These and many other questions still challenge investigators. This article reviews the long-term effect of the physiologic response to stress, which I refer to as allostatic load.2 Allostasis — the ability to achieve stability through change3 — . . .

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Protective and Damaging Effects of Stress Mediators

Objective. —To identify and quantify the major external (nongenetic) factors that contribute to death in the United States. Data Sources. —Articles published between 1977 and 1993 were identified through MEDLINE searches, reference citations, and expert consultation. Government reports and compilations of vital statistics and surveillance data were also obtained. Study Selection. —Sources selected were those that were often cited and those that indicated a quantitative assessment of the relative contributions of various factors to mortality and morbidity. Data Extraction. —Data used were those for which specific methodological assumptions were stated. A table quantifying the contributions of leading factors was constructed using actual counts, generally accepted estimates, and calculated estimates that were developed by summing various individual estimates and correcting to avoid double counting. For the factors of greatest complexity and uncertainty (diet and activity patterns and toxic agents), a conservative approach was taken by choosing the lower boundaries of the various estimates. Data Synthesis. —The most prominent contributors to mortality in the United States in 1990 were tobacco (an estimated 400000 deaths), diet and activity patterns (300 000), alcohol (100 000), microbial agents (90 000), toxic agents (60 000), firearms (35 000), sexual behavior (30 000), motor vehicles (25 000), and illicit use of drugs (20 000). Socioeconomic status and access to medical care are also important contributors, but difficult to quantify independent of the other factors cited. Because the studies reviewed used different approaches to derive estimates, the stated numbers should be viewed as first approximations. Conclusions. —Approximately half of all deaths that occurred in 1990 could be attributed to the factors identified. Although no attempt was made to further quantify the impact of these factors on morbidity and quality of life, the public health burden they impose is considerable and offers guidance for shaping health policy priorities. (JAMA. 1993;270:2207-2212)

https://jamanetwork.com/journals/JAMA/articlepdf/409171/jama_270_18_038.pdf

Actual causes of death in the United States.

Part I. From There to Here - Theoretical Background: 1. From visiousness to viciousness: theories of intergroup relations 2. Social dominance theory as a new synthesis Part II. Oppression and its Psycho-Ideological Elements: 3. The psychology of group dominance: social dominance orientation 4. Let's both agree that you're really stupid: the power of consensual ideology Part III. The Circle of Oppression - The Myriad Expressions of Institutional Discrimination: 5. You stay in your part of town and I'll stay in mine: discrimination in the housing and retail markets 6. They're just too lazy to work: discrimination in the labor market 7. They're just mentally and physically unfit: discrimination in education and health care 8. The more of 'them' in prison, the better: institutional terror, social control and the dynamics of the criminal justice system Part IV. Oppression as a Cooperative Game: 9. Social hierarchy and asymmetrical group behavior: social hierarchy and group difference in behavior 10. Sex and power: the intersecting political psychologies of patriarchy and empty-set hierarchy 11. Epilogue.

http://catdir.loc.gov/catdir/samples/cam032/98044356.pdf

Social Dominance: An Intergroup Theory of Social Hierarchy and Oppression

The detection of psychiatric illness by questionnaire

Musculoskeletal conditions are a major burden on individuals, health systems, and social care systems, with indirect costs being predominant. This burden has been recognized by the United Nations and WHO, by endorsing the Bone and Joint Decade 2000-2010. This paper describes the burden of four major musculoskeletal conditions: osteoarthritis, rheumatoid arthritis, osteoporosis, and low back pain. Osteoarthritis, which is characterized by loss of joint cartilage that leads to pain and loss of function primarily in the knees and hips, affects 9.6% of men and 18% of women aged > 60 years. Increases in life expectancy and ageing populations are expected to make osteoarthritis the fourth leading cause of disability by the year 2020. Joint replacement surgery, where available, provides effective relief. Rheumatoid arthritis is an inflammatory condition that usually affects multiple joints. It affects 0.3-1.0% of the general population and is more prevalent among women and in developed countries. Persistent inflammation leads to joint destruction, but the disease can be controlled with drugs. The incidence may be on the decline, but the increase in the number of older people in some regions makes it difficult to estimate future prevalence. Osteoporosis, which is characterized by low bone mass and microarchitectural deterioration, is a major risk factor for fractures of the hip, vertebrae, and distal forearm. Hip fracture is the most detrimental fracture, being associated with 20% mortality and 50% permanent loss in function. Low back pain is the most prevalent of musculoskeletal conditions; it affects nearly everyone at some point in time and about 4-33% of the population at any given point. Cultural factors greatly influence the prevalence and prognosis of low back pain.

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Burden of major musculoskeletal conditions

Health inequalities among British civil servants: the Whitehall II study

STUDY OBJECTIVE--To investigate the relationship between self reported health status and sickness absence. DESIGN--Analysis of questionnaire and sickness absence data from the first phase of the Whitehall II study--a longitudinal study set up to investigate the degree and causes of the social gradient in morbidity and mortality. SETTING--London offices of 20 civil service departments. PARTICIPANTS--Altogether 6895 male and 3413 female civil servants aged 35-55 years. Analysis was conducted on 88% of participants who had complete data for the present analysis. MAIN RESULTS--A strong inverse relation between the grade of employment (measure of socioeconomic status) and sickness absence was observed. Men in the lowest grade had rates of sickness absence six times higher than those in the highest grade. For women the corresponding differences were two to five times higher. In general, the longer the duration of absence, the more strongly did baseline health predict rates of absence. However, the health measures also predicted shorter spells, although to a lesser extent. Job satisfaction was strongly related to sickness absence with higher rates in those who reported low job satisfaction. After adjusting for health status the association remained for one to two day absences, but was greatly reduced for absences longer than three days. CONCLUSION--There was a strong association between ill health and sickness absence, particularly for longer spells. The magnitude of the association may have been underestimated because of the strength of the association between grade of employment and sickness absence. It is proposed that sickness absence be used as an integrated measure of physical, psychological, and social functioning in studies of working populations.

https://jech.bmj.com/content/jech/49/2/124.full.pdf

Sickness absence as a measure of health status and functioning: from the UK Whitehall II study.

OBJECTIVES. This study sought to examine the association between the psychosocial work environment and subsequent rates of sickness absence. METHODS. The analyses were based on a cohort of male and female British civil servants (n=9072). Rates of short spells ( 7 days) of sickness absence were calculated for different aspects of the psychosocial work environment, as measured by self-reports and personnel managers' ratings (external assessments). RESULTS. Low levels of work demands, control, and support were associated with higher rates of short and long spells of absence in men and, to a lesser extent, in women. The differences were similar for the self-reports and external assessments. After adjustment for grade of employment, the differences were diminished but generally remained significant for short spells. The combination of high demands and low control was only associated with higher rates of short spells in the lower grades. CONCLUSIONS. The psychosocial work environmen...

Psychosocial work environment and sickness absence among British civil servants: The Whitehall II Study

OBJECTIVE--To describe and explain the socioeconomic gradient in sickness absence. DESIGN--Analysis of questionnaire and sickness absence data collected from the first phase of the Whitehall II study. Grade of employment was used as a measure of socioeconomic status. SETTING--20 civil service departments in London. SUBJECTS--6900 male and 3414 female civil servants aged 35-55 years. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES--Rates of short spells ( 7 days) of sickness absence. RESULTS--A strong inverse relation between grade of employment and sickness absence was evident. Men in the lowest grade had rates of short and long spells of absence 6.1 (95% confidence interval 5.3 to 6.9) and 6.1 (4.8 to 7.9) times higher than those in the highest grade. For women the corresponding rate ratios were 3.0 (2.3 to 3.9) and 4.2 (2.5 to 6.8) respectively. Several risk factors were identified, including health related behaviours (smoking and frequent alcohol consumption), work characteristics (low levels of control, variety and use of skills, work pace, and support at work), low levels of job satisfaction, and adverse social circumstances outside work (financial difficulties and negative support). These risk factors accounted for about one third of the grade differences in sickness absence. CONCLUSION--Large grade differences in sickness absence parallel socioeconomic differences in morbidity and mortality found in other studies. Identified risk factors accounted for a small proportion of the grade differences in sickness absence. More accurate measurement of the risk factors may explain some of the remaining differences in sickness absence but other factors, as yet unrecognised, are likely to be important.

https://www.bmj.com/content/bmj/306/6874/361.full.pdf

Explaining socioeconomic differences in sickness absence: the Whitehall II Study.

OBJECTIVES: Large socioeconomic differences exist in disease and mortality. This paper describes the distribution of specific medical reasons for sickness absence by grade of employment in the Whitehall II study and validates the medical reason by comparison with general practitioners' records. METHODS: Analysis of sickness absence data on 5620 male and female civil servants aged 35-55 years. Data have been collected from 12 of the 20 London based civil service departments participating in the Whitehall II study, where medical reason for absence was available. Rates and distributions of reasons for absence for short spells ( 7 days) were analysed. RESULTS: Respiratory disorders and gastroenteritis accounted for over half of all spells of absence, with headache and migraine, musculoskeletal disorders, injury, and neurosis accounting for a further 20%-30% of absences. There was an inverse association with employment grade, the lower the grade the higher the rate of absence for both short spells ( 7 days). In general, women had higher rates of absence than men. Comparison of reason for very long spells of absence (> 21 days) showed moderate agreement between civil service and general practitioner. CONCLUSION: There is a lack of national comprehensive data on sickness absence and medical reason for absence, in particular for women and for spells of different duration. Data from the Whitehall II study show large employment grade and sex differences in the distribution of medical reasons for absence that are similar to socioeconomic differences in morbidity documented in other studies. Possible explanations include the subjective nature of illness and disease; the work/family interface; and the influence of the absence culture. Longer term follow up will provide information on whether sickness absence relates to serious morbidity and mortality.

https://oem.bmj.com/content/oemed/55/2/91.full.pdf

Fiona M North

Papers

Health inequalities among British civil servants: the Whitehall II study

Sickness absence as a measure of health status and functioning: from the UK Whitehall II study.

Psychosocial work environment and sickness absence among British civil servants: The Whitehall II Study

Explaining socioeconomic differences in sickness absence: the Whitehall II Study.

Socioeconomic and sex differentials in reason for sickness absence from the Whitehall II Study.