计量经济分析 = Econometric analysis

A Treatise on the Family. G. S. Becker. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 1981. Gary Becker is one of the most famous and influential economists of the second half of the 20th century, a fervent contributor to and expounder of the University of Chicago free-market philosophy, and winner of the 1992 Nobel Prize in economics. Although any book with the word "treatise" in its title is clearly intended to have an impact, one coming from someone as brilliant and controversial as Becker certainly had such a lofty goal. It has received many article-length reviews in several disciplines (Ben-Porath, 1982; Bergmann, 1995; Foster, 1993; Hannan, 1982), which is one measure of its scholarly importance, and yet its impact is, I think, less than it may have initially appeared, especially for scholars with substantive interests in the family. This book is, its title notwithstanding, more about economics and the economic approach to behavior than about the family. In the first sentence of the preface, Becker writes "In this book, I develop an economic or rational choice approach to the family." Lest anyone accuse him of focusing on traditional (i.e., material) economics topics, such as family income, poverty, and labor supply, he immediately emphasizes that those topics are not his focus. "My intent is more ambitious: to analyze marriage, births, divorce, division of labor in households, prestige, and other non-material behavior with the tools and framework developed for material behavior." Indeed, the book includes chapters on many of these issues. One chapter examines the principles of the efficient division of labor in households, three analyze marriage and divorce, three analyze various child-related issues (fertility and intergenerational mobility), and others focus on broader family issues, such as intrafamily resource allocation. His analysis is not, he believes, constrained by time or place. His intention is "to present a comprehensive analysis that is applicable, at least in part, to families in the past as well as the present, in primitive as well as modern societies, and in Eastern as well as Western cultures." His tone is profoundly conservative and utterly skeptical of any constructive role for government programs. There is a clear sense of how much better things were in the old days of a genderbased division of labor and low market-work rates for married women. Indeed, Becker is ready and able to show in Chapter 2 that such a state of affairs was efficient and induced not by market or societal discrimination (although he allows that it might exist) but by small underlying household productivity differences that arise primarily from what he refers to as "complementarities" between caring for young children while carrying another to term. Most family scholars would probably find that an unconvincingly simple explanation for a profound and complex phenomenon. What, then, is the salient contribution of Treatise on the Family? It is not literally the idea that economics could be applied to the nonmarket sector and to family life because Becker had already established that with considerable success and influence. At its core, microeconomics is simple, characterized by a belief in the importance of prices and markets, the role of self-interested or rational behavior, and, somewhat less centrally, the stability of preferences. It was Becker's singular and invaluable contribution to appreciate that the behaviors potentially amenable to the economic approach were not limited to phenomenon with explicit monetary prices and formal markets. Indeed, during the late 1950s and throughout the 1960s, he did undeniably important and pioneering work extending the domain of economics to such topics as labor market discrimination, fertility, crime, human capital, household production, and the allocation of time. Nor is Becker's contribution the detailed analyses themselves. Many of them are, frankly, odd, idiosyncratic, and off-putting. …

A Treatise on the Family

This project will deliver help to reduce the vulnerability of poor people in Haiti to the effects of climate change, while at the same time conserving threatened coastal and marine biodiversity. Investments in climateproofed and socially-sustainable BD conservation strategies, within the context of the National Protected Areas System (NPAS), will enable coastal and marine ecosystems to continue to generate Ecosystem-Based Adaptation (EBA) services; while additional investment of adaptation funds in the watersheds which drain into these ecosystems will serve to maximize BD benefits and ecosystem functions, as well as generating EBA benefits for the populations living in the watersheds themselves.

/pdf/the-united-nations-development-programme-3oj9udayrc.pdf

The United Nations Development Programme

Chairman's Report of Proceedings 1. Attached is the Chairman's Report of Proceedings of the Meeting of the Consultative Group for Haiti held in Paris, January 30-31, 1995. The following annexes are attached to this report (in order of appearance at the meeting): Annex I: List of Delegates Annex II: Agenda Annex III: Statement by Mr. Smarck Michel, Prime Minister of Haiti Annex IV: Statement by Mr. Enrique Iglesias, President of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) Annex V: Report of Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, Special Representative of the UN Secretary General Annex VI: Statement by Ms. Marie-Michele Rey, Minister of Economy and Finance of Haiti Annex VII: Statement of Mr. Edilberto L. Segura, Director, International Development Association (IDA) Annex VIII: Statement by Mr. John Thornton, Deputy Division Chief, International Monetary Fund (IMF) Annex IX: Statement by Mr. Philippe Lietard, Director, Corporate Finances Department, IFC Annex X: Statement by Mr. Jean-Marie Cherestal, Minister of Planning and External Cooperation Annex XI: Statement by Mr. Miguel E. Martinez, Manager Regional Operation Department II, IDB Annex XII: Statement by Mr. Fernando Zumbado, Assistant Secretary General, UNDP Annex XIII: Press Releases 2. Comments or corrections should be sent to the Vicc Presidcnt and Secrctary or Deputy Secrertary of the Bank by May 26, 1995.

https://calhoun.nps.edu/bitstream/10945/12373/1/internationalban00cook.pdf

The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development

This article explores the factors that account for variation in remittance flows. Why do some immigrants send much more money to their country of origin than others? This is a question that, in the aggregate, has implications for national economies and migration-related policy. The analysis departs from the classic studies of remittances and considers how the context of contemporary migration in Europe is likely to affect remittance patterns. Possible influences on remittance-sending are disaggregated into nine domains, and each is discussed with reference to theoretical arguments and empirical findings. The temporal aspects of remittance-sending are discussed separately. The final section of the article considers implications of the micro-level analysis for aggregate remittance flows and policy. It is argued that the focus on altruism versus self-interest in the literature has partly diverted attention from explaining the actual variation that is important in a policy perspective.

The determinants of migrant remittances

Return Migration and Occupational Choice: Evidence from Albania

Migrant remittances are a steadily growing external source of capital for developing countries. While foreign direct investments and capital market flows fell sharply in the last years due to the recession in the high income countries, migrant remittances continued to grow, reaching USD 149.4 billion in 2002.

International Migrant Remittances and their Role in Development

This chapter addresses the following questions: To what extent do the socio-economic characteristics of circular/repeat migrants differ from the migrants who return permanently to the home country after their first trip (i.e. return migrants)? And, what determines each of these distinctive temporary migration forms? Using Albanian household survey data and both a multinomial logit model and a maximum simulated likelihood (MSL) probit with two sequential selection equations, we find that education, gender, age, geographical location and the return reasons from the first migration trip significantly affect the choice of migration form. Compared to return migrants, circular migrants are more likely to be male, have primary education and originate from rural, less developed areas. Moreover, return migration seems to be determined by family reasons, a failed migration attempt but also by the fulfilment of a savings target.

/pdf/chapter-20-circular-migration-or-permanent-return-what-2rkatz7wql.pdf

Chapter 20 Circular Migration or Permanent Return: What Determines Different Forms of Migration?

The cause of immigrant education mismatch in the host country labour market might not necessarily be discrimination or imperfect transferability of human capital, as argued in previous studies. Immigrants who have gained professional experience in the home country in jobs below their education level might be assessed by host country employers as having lower abilities and skills than those expected from their educational qualifications. Using the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia we show that a significant part of the variation in the immigrants' probability to be over-/under-educated in the Australian labour market can be explained by having been over-/under-educated in the last job in the home country.

Immigrant Over- and Under-education: The Role of Home Country Labour Market Experience

In the early 21st century Europe is confronted with an ageing population, stagnating or even declining native populations, high unemployment and in the most key countries also with slow economic growth. At the same time Europe remains one of the prime destinations of international migration. Free movement of people is a means of creating an integrated Europe. Geographic mobility also helps on establishing a more efficient labour market, to the long-term benefit of workers, employers, taxpayers and EU Member States. Thus, our paper quantifies current migration patterns (see pp. 14-15); it recollects theoretical (see pp. 16-27) and empirical arguments (see pp. 28-47) on why immigration is so important, to what extent labour mobility allows individuals to improve their job prospects and employers to recruit people with adequate skills. The paper also discusses what kind of common European policies should be undertaken to optimise benefits of international migration. All our findings might not only avail understanding the economic impact of immigration. But they have policy implications for migrant receiving countries in Europe as well. The aim is to develop a better understanding of how the EU and its Member States could use availability and skills of today's and future immigrant populations in order to cope with economic and demographic challenges.

https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/46220/1/662820886.pdf

Florin Vadean

Papers

Return Migration and Occupational Choice: Evidence from Albania

International Migrant Remittances and their Role in Development

Chapter 20 Circular Migration or Permanent Return: What Determines Different Forms of Migration?

Immigrant Over- and Under-education: The Role of Home Country Labour Market Experience

The costs and benefits of European immigration