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Competing paradigms in qualitative research.

This review surveys an emergent methodological trend in anthropological research that concerns the adaptation of long-standing modes of ethnographic practices to more complex objects of study. Ethnography moves from its conventional single-site location, contextualized by macro-constructions of a larger social order, such as the capitalist world system, to multiple sites of observation and participation that cross-cut dichotomies such as the “local” and the “global,” the “lifeworld” and the “system.” Resulting ethnographies are therefore both in and out of the world system. The anxieties to which this methodological shift gives rise are considered in terms of testing the limits of ethnography, attenuating the power of fieldwork, and losing the perspective of the subaltern. The emergence of multi-sited ethnography is located within new spheres of interdisciplinary work, including media studies, science and technology studies, and cultural studies broadly. Several “tracking” strategies that shape multi-site...

http://anthro.vancouver.wsu.edu/media/Course_files/anth-490-edward-h-hagen/marcus-1995-ethnography-in-of-the-world-system_the-emergence-of-multi-sited-ethnography.pdf

Ethnography in/of the World System: The Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography

In 1974 an article appeared in Science magazine with the dry-sounding title “Judgment Under Uncertainty: Heuristics and Biases” by a pair of psychologists who were not well known outside their discipline of decision theory. In it Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman introduced the world to Prospect Theory, which mapped out how humans actually behave when faced with decisions about gains and losses, in contrast to how economists assumed that people behave. Prospect Theory turned Economics on its head by demonstrating through a series of ingenious experiments that people are much more concerned with losses than they are with gains, and that framing a choice from one perspective or the other will result in decisions that are exactly the opposite of each other, even if the outcomes are monetarily the same. Prospect Theory led cognitive psychology in a new direction that began to uncover other human biases in thinking that are probably not learned but are part of our brain’s wiring.

Thinking fast and slow.

The era of Big Data has begun. Computer scientists, physicists, economists, mathematicians, political scientists, bio-informaticists, sociologists, and other scholars are clamoring for access to the massive quantities of information produced by and about people, things, and their interactions. Diverse groups argue about the potential benefits and costs of analyzing genetic sequences, social media interactions, health records, phone logs, government records, and other digital traces left by people. Significant questions emerge. Will large-scale search data help us create better tools, services, and public goods? Or will it usher in a new wave of privacy incursions and invasive marketing? Will data analytics help us understand online communities and political movements? Or will it be used to track protesters and suppress speech? Will it transform how we study human communication and culture, or narrow the palette of research options and alter what ‘research’ means? Given the rise of Big Data as a socio-tech...

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Critical questions for big data

萨义德以其独特的双重身份,对西方中心权力话语做了分析,通过对文学作品、演讲演说等文本的解读,将O rie n ta lis m——"东方学",做了三重释义:一门学科、一种思维方式和一种权力话语系统,对东方学权力话语做了系统的批判,同时将东方学放入空间维度对东方学文本做了细致的解读。

萨义德的“Orientalism”释义

Critical Anthropology Now

As criticas do projeto Writing Culture, enderecadas ao texto etnografico, alem de nao atingirem o metodo antropologico por excelencia, a pesquisa de campo nos moldes malinowskianos, ajudaram a dissemina-la nas humanidades e nas artes. A pesquisa de campo tradicional, contudo, mostra-se inadequada aos novos temas de investigacao da antropologia em um mundo mais complexo, integrado e frgmentado produzido pela globalizacao. Este trabalho, originalmente escrito para uma conferencia, sugere a reinvencao do imaginario da pesquisa de campo antropologica a partir de sua apropriacao pelo teatro e pelo cinema. Baseado no trabalho do cenografo venezuelano Fernando Calzadilla, o autor propoe a substituicao do distanciamento e da limitacao espacial da mise-en-scene malinowskiana pela cumplicidade entre observador e observado e pela pesquisa em campos multilocalizados.

/pdf/o-intercambio-entre-arte-e-antropologia-como-a-pesquisa-de-r76nffqe1f.pdf

O intercâmbio entre arte e antropologia: como a pesquisa de campo em artes cênicas pode informar a reinvenção da pesquisa de campo em antropologia

This is a collection of ten interviews explore how producers of documentary media - filmmakers, journalists, and artists - located in societies considered marginal to the high-tech global centres respond to local and international audiences in creating their works. Interviewees include: a South African playwright who is shaping a distinctive form of activist journalism; a New Guinean producer who manages several media careers; Polish and German filmmakers developing critical documentaries on compromised new orders; a Columbian artist who provides powerful representations of endemic violence in her society; and writers from Martinique and Argentina with varied careers in the arts, media, and politics who provide tragicomic accounts of the marginal situations of their societies.

Cultural producers in perilous states : editing events, documenting change

The recent rise of nationalist parties in Europe and elsewhere has generated a considerable degree of public and scientific interest. Some see this development as a rejection of long-proclaimed liberal values, an explanation somewhat surprising in light of the overall success of the Enlightenment project and increasing world-wide support of Enlightenment values.
 The common wisdom is that the rise of the far right is driven by fear and by fear-mongering politicians. I argue for a contrary view. Support for far-right parties, such as the Front National in France, begins with a sense of injustice. That sense of injustice is expressed as anger. It is anger that is the basis for the rise in support of far-right parties. Moreover, as a practical matter, resolving fears, which arise in uncertain conditions, is a quite different matter than resolving grievances. Mislabeling the foundations of the appeal of far-right parties as fear-driven will continue to preclude effective responses.
 But there is a larger story. Emotion has long been a central topic of scholarly and popular interest. Research in neuroscience shows us that much of what emotions do is inaccessible to our conscious, but plodding, reasoning mind. This is because the work of emotions is so rapidly processed that the conscious mind is unable to apprehend it. What flows from this understanding requires that we significantly revise what we think emotion does and how that, in turn, must shape our thinking on democratic citizenship. This account holds that the different capabilities of reason and of emotion jointly enable deft management of conditions of threat.

The Rise of Populism : The Politics of Justice, Anger, and Grievance

For me, the distinctive event in the recent history of social and cultural anthropology in the United States has been, since the 1980s, a profound cutting of the discipline (or rather of this influential component of the four-field disciplinary organization of general anthropology) from its moorings that defined it through much of the twentieth century. Certainly the discipline is still wedded functionally to certain aspects of the institutional model which has shaped the identity of social and cultural anthropologists, as pioneered through the works of such figures as Bronislaw Malinowski in England and Franz Boas in the United States. Most anthropologists still begin their careers with a geographical area specialization outside the U.S. (although few receive the intensive areas studies education that was available and encouraged in the U.S. during the 1950s through the 1970s when in the atmosphere of the Cold War and development studies there was a huge investment in such interdisciplinary programs that has since waned; also Europe itself has become a much more legitimate foreign area for U.S. anthropologists, and certain specializations like science and technology studies have gained a prestige and legitimacy equivalent to traditional foreign area specialization). And at least for their initiatory, dissertation research, most anthropologists still participate within the bounds of the method of fieldwork and ethnography, the ethos and pedagogical mythologies of which have been set by the tradition established by the founding figures. However, the ways that careers evolve, and even now are increasingly conceived; the actual nature of the experience of fieldwork and how fieldwork stories are told and passed on professionally as a means of learning its norms; how objects of study are conceptualized; and whose anthropology's primary interdisciplinary partners are-all of these matters crucial to the professional reproduction of anthropology-have changed dramatically. When I became a professional anthropologist in the mid-1970s, I prepared at Harvard through the usual apprentice model. I became identified as a specialist on Oceania, and I did longterm fieldwork in western Polynesia (mainly in the Tongan islands). My fieldwork was shaped categorically through basic concerns with kinship, ritual, politics, and religion by means of resident inquiry in local communities. While, by this time, at least in the graduate student culture, the influence of such French poststructuralists as Foucault and Barthes, the work of feminist scholars, the relevance of British cultural studies, the attempt to create a structuralist history (as against reigning Marxist alternatives), and a sensitivity to the politics of fieldwork (an effect of the short-lived turbulence of the 60's in the US) were all in the atmosphere, so to speak,if not in the class room, I and my colleagues could still be understood to be doing basic "peoples and places" ethnographic research. While we might have come to see, even then, different theoretical and topical outlines for our apprentice work, it still participated by its very form in adding to the global ethnographic archive, as comparative material or puzzles, for the historic, unfulfilled, and one could say, interrupted, but still ideologically hegemonic grand project of a general science of humans, the special task of social and cultural anthropology being to describe and analyze forms of life that were, if not pre-modern, then non-modern. While many younger anthropologists,especially in the elite graduate programs, did not in their convictions or perceptions subscribe fully to this program, participating in the discipline meant following it anyhow, through the form of the ethnography and the expectations of fieldwork,which were indeed often the major attraction in undertaking training in anthropology. Even then, and certainly before and now, the research projects of anthropologists in the U.S. were quite diverse. …

George E. Marcus

Papers

Critical Anthropology Now

O intercâmbio entre arte e antropologia: como a pesquisa de campo em artes cênicas pode informar a reinvenção da pesquisa de campo em antropologia

Cultural producers in perilous states : editing events, documenting change

The Rise of Populism : The Politics of Justice, Anger, and Grievance

The Passion of Anthropology in the U.S., Circa 2004