This paper considers the cyclical nature of resource nationalism. As the title suggests, the focus is on the oil production in the Middle East. The reason for the emphasis on the Middle East is obvious. It has always dominated the global oil reserves and has in recent years had more than its fair share of conflict. This issue matters because it determines the ability and willingness of the region to convert its geology into supplies of oil for the global oil market. Fig. 1 illustrates the importance of the Middle East exports in the global energy markets since 1951. The issue also matters because it affects the ability of the region to convert its resources into development meaning growth, employment creation and the alleviation of poverty for its own people. A key issue concerns how ‘resource nationalism’ is defined. Given the recent revival of interest, there are a multitude of different definitions and interpretations. The International Energy Forum has recently defined it ‘‘nations wanting to make the most of their endowment’’ (Middle East Economic Survey (MEES), 2006, 49, p 39). Bill Farren-Price of MEES described it as a situation where the ‘‘producer countries have moved to maximize revenue from present oil and gas production while altering the terms of investment for future output’’ (MEES, 2006, 49, p 37). Another version is that it is simply an expression of Ray Vernon’s ‘obsolescing bargain’ (Vernon, 1971) whereby once oil was discovered and the investment sunk in development, relative bargaining power switches in favour of the host government which then tries to increase its fiscal take by changing the terms of the original contract. Yet another alternative view is that it is simply a political antipathy to the USA (and by implications its oil companies) and/or economic globalization. In this paper, a simple definition is used. ‘Resource nationalism’ is assumed to have two components – limiting the operations of private international oil companies (IOCs) and asserting a greater national control over natural resource development. This

National oil companies and international oil companies in the Middle East: Under the shadow of government and the resource nationalism cycle

While the Battle of Seattle immortalized a certain image of anti-globalization resistance, processes and agents of contestation remain sociologically underdeveloped. Even with the time-space compression afforded by new information technologies, how can a global civil society emerge among multi-cultured, multi-tongued peoples divided by miles of space and oceans of inequality? This article examines two cases that confronted the U.S. model of global corporate rule: the defeat of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), and the Zapatista challenge to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Evaluating cross-border solidarity in these cases encourages critical evaluation of claims about global civil society, the role of the Internet, and the eclipse of traditional politics in a supposedly post-national age. Contrary to orthodox globalization narratives, our analysis suggests that states, nations, and nationalisms remain key elements in contestation processes, at least in the kinds of cases examined. At the same time, transnational networks played an important role in bypassing unfavorable political opportunity structures at the domestic level, and nurtured incipient processes of framing resistance to neo-liberal globalism across national boundaries.

Solidarity in the age of globalization: Lessons from the anti-MAI and Zapatista struggles

Over the last one hundred and fifty years, the extraction and processing of non-renewable resources has provided the basis for the three industrial revolutions that have led to the modern economies of the developed world. In the process, the nature of resource extraction firms has also changed dramatically, from small-scale operations exploiting easily accessible deposits to large, vertically integrated, capital intensive transnational corporations characterized by oligopolistic competition. In the last ten to fifteen years, coinciding with processes of economic globalization, another major change has been occurring as resource extraction industries have been shifting their operations from developed to developing countries. This shift has greatly impacted the populations of these countries and raises a variety of ethical issues. This article investigates the nature of these changes and the ethical issues that arise, focusing in particular on the development impact of the activities of these industries and the potential adequacy of different policy approaches to regulating them.

Resource Extraction Industries in Developing Countries

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The Economic History of Latin America since Independence

Access, engagement, suppression, and empowerment : a political ecology of voice (PEV) study into Peruvian citizen ability and willingness to report Petroperu environmental pollution incidents

List of tables Preface Glossary Abbreviations Note on currencies and other units of measurement Maps Introduction Part I. The World Oil Environment: 1. The corporate ascendancy 1890-1927 2. Retrenchment and concentration 1928-41 3. The making of the post-war oil world 1942-55 4. The major companies in retreat 1955-70 5. The oil market revolution and its consequences for Latin America 1971-9 6. Latin America in the twentieth-century oil system Part II. The Major Expropriations: 7. Politics and the concession contract 8. Argentina: YPF, Yrigoyen and the 1935 oil law 9. Some nationalisations of the 1930s: Chile, Uruguay, Bolivia 10. Cardenas and the Mexican oil nationalisation 11. The formation of Petrobras 12. The nationalisation of the IPC in Peru 13. The nationalisation of Gulf Oil in Bolivia 1969 14. Oil politics in Ecuador 1972-6 15. The nationalisation of oil in Venezuela 16. Oil companies and governments in twentieth-century Latin America Part I of Gulf Oil in Bolivia 1969 14. Oil politics in Ecuador 1972-6 15. The nationalisation of oil in Venezuela 16. Oil companies and governments in twentieth-century Latin America Part III. The State Oil Companies: 17. Pemex in Mexican politics 1938-79 18. The development of Petrobras: oil company to conglomerate? 19. YPF 1932-79: public enterprise or bureaucracy? 20. Petroperu 1968-80: achievements and hard lessons 21. YPFB and the development of oil in Bolivia 22. Petroven: the birth of a giant 23. State oil companies in Latin America 24. Concluding reflections Notes Bibliography Index.

George Philip

Papers

Oil and Politics in Latin America: Nationalist Movements and State Companies

Oil and Politics in Latin America

Oil and Politics in Latin America

State oil companies in Latin America