世界経済・社会統計 = World development indicators

Originally published in Contemporary Psychology: APA Review of Books, 1994, Vol 39(2), 225. Reviews the book, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion by John Zaller (1992). The author's commendable effort to specify a model of mass opinion formation offers readers an introduction to the prevailing vi

The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion.

Public Management Reform. A Comparative Analysis

Digital Divide: Civic Engagement, Information Poverty, and the Internet Worldwide. Pippa Norris. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002. 303 pp. $60 hbk., $20 pbk. Forecasts that the Internet heralds a world of more democracy and less poverty seem as inflated as dot.com stocks. This rosy view has electronic voting, political chat rooms, and email access re-engaging apathetic publics in politics. Digital technologies redress economic disparities, and the benefits of the Internet percolate down to transform poor societies. Equally exaggerated is the gloom of naysayers. The Internet Age has done little to narrow the gap between rich and poor countries, the information haves and havenots, cyber-skeptics contend. Indeed, digital technologies could create new inequalities and reinforce the dominance of power elites. In her new book, Digital Divide, Pippa Norris, associate director of the Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard University, steps into this fusillade of cyber-hyperbole, lowers the decibel with a well-written and thoughtful examination of Internet use and access in 179 countries and dissects the claims and counter-claims. Her research and findings place her on middle ground, somewhere between current reality and optimism. The Internet era seems to be changing "politics as usual" in a number of countries, expanding and loosening information about governments and politics, allowing the entrance of new political players, and fostering international movements on the environment, women's rights, and other issues across borders. The disappointment is that digital technologies are activating the already politically active and passing up the disengaged and uninterested. A major challenge to digital democracy is the gulf between the United States, Scandinavia, and other early Internet adopters and the rest of the world. That gap is now so wide that at the turn of the century, more than three-quarters of the online community lived in the developed world. Internet use tracks the path of economic and technological development. But that situation could begin to change, Norris says. The Internet is in its technological adolescence. Costs of access are falling. And governments can make a difference if policymakers take the initiative. We have the historical patterns of other communication technologies to study. Norris examines theories of technological diffusion and points out that the American response to the Internet is more akin to the rapid spread of televisions and VCRs than the slower adoption of telephones and radios. American dominance could recede as Internet access grows worldwide. Contrary to what officials of the Bush Administration contend, Norris finds that the digital divide between rich and poor within the United States remains substantial. Europe mirrors that trend. In the long run, the Internet could become more accessible to the excluded: lower income families, minorities, and women. …

Digital Divide: Civic Engagement, Information Poverty, and the Internet Worldwide

'Blogging' - a contraction of the term 'web logging' - is perhaps best described as a form of micro-publishing. Easy to use, from any Internet connection point, blogging has become firmly established as a web based communications tool. The blogging phenomenon has evolved from its early origin as a medium for the publication of simple, online personal diaries, to the latest disruptive technology, the 'killer app' that has the capacity to engage people in collaborative activity, knowledge sharing, reflection and debate (Hiler, 2003). Many blogs have large and dedicated readerships, and blog clusters have formed linking fellow bloggers in accordance with their common interests. 
This paper explores the potential of blogs as learning spaces for students in the higher education sector. It refers to the nascent literature on the subject, explores methods for using blogs for educational purposes in university courses (eg. Harvard Law School), and records the experience of the Brisbane Graduate School of Business at Queensland University of Technology, with its 'MBA blog'. The paper concludes that blogging has the potential to be a transformational technology for teaching and learning.

Exploring the use of blogs as learning spaces in the higher education sector

This study examines the early adoption and dissemination of emerging technology tools in campaigns by analyzing which candidates were the most likely to adopt and use Facebook in the 2006 and 2008 elections to the US House of Representatives. The research hypotheses draw primarily from the diffusion of innovation literature. Our analysis of 802 candidates in 2006 and 816 candidates in 2008 indicates that Facebook adoption diffused rapidly between 2006 and 2008, with party (Democrats), competition, money and the level of education in the district explaining both adoption and implementation. Challengers and candidates for open seats were more likely to be early adopters, but incumbents used Facebook more extensively. Both higher adoption rates by peers or competitors in the candidate’s own state and a propensity to adopt earlier campaign technologies are strong positive motivators for early adoption, but irrelevant to usage.

Social networks in political campaigns: Facebook and the congressional elections of 2006 and 2008

Diffusion of innovation theory is used to explain adoption of Facebook in the 2012 campaigns for the U.S. Congress and to identify characteristics that differentiate the small subset of candidates who did not create a Facebook presence from the large majority who did. Models of Facebook adoption for House candidates reveal that there are no differences between Republicans and Democrats. Nonadopters are significantly more likely to be challengers or open-seat candidates, poorly financed candidates, candidates in noncompetitive races, and older. Among nonincumbents, Republicans, and candidates from Republican-oriented districts are more likely to adopt. This study serves as one of the first examinations of social media adoption by congressional candidates in the 2012 elections and discusses relevant developments and trends in adoption since Facebook's introduction in 2006.

Social Media and Campaign 2012: Developments and Trends for Facebook Adoption

This article examines online campaigning for the U.S. Congress in 2006. Increases in web presence have slowed, but with minor-party candidates closing the gap with major-party candidates in Senate races. A content analysis of the campaign web sites of every Senate and House candidate reveals that baseline informational web content and features have become standardized but that Senate sites are more sophisticated technologically. Multivariate analyses reveal that financial resources underwrite the highest levels of content and constitute a moving hurdle for disadvantaged candidates. Democrats, Greens, and challengers demonstrated more interest in relationship building, and the competitiveness of the race increased the likelihood of using the web site for mobilizing supporters. Features and functionality that allow citizens to coproduce content and interact in two-way communication are not being adopted widely, and it is an open question how candidates might integrate new social networking tools into their campaign strategies.

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Closing the Gap, Raising the Bar

This study investigates the extent of Congressional candidates' use of YouTube in 2008 and analyzes which candidates were more likely to adopt and use this tool While 72 percent of the major party candidates for the Senate opened YouTube channels, only 28 percent of candidates for the House seats did so A multivariate analysis of all major-party candidates for the House shows that better-financed candidates and those in competitive elections were more likely to become early adopters by opening a YouTube channel; open seat candidates were less likely than incumbents to open a channel A multivariate analysis of how extensively candidates used YouTube revealed that incumbents and better-financed candidates posted more videos to their channels Candidates from districts with a higher percentage of college graduates also were more likely to post videos YouTube is best understood as a vehicle for disseminating campaign communications produced by or for traditional media, especially television, and 

Girish J. Gulati

Papers

Social networks in political campaigns: Facebook and the congressional elections of 2006 and 2008

Social Media and Campaign 2012: Developments and Trends for Facebook Adoption

Closing the Gap, Raising the Bar

Congressional Candidates' Use of YouTube in 2008: Its Frequency and Rationale

Predictors of on-line services and e-participation: A cross-national comparison