All these premises having, as I think, been clearly made out, it is impossible that the rulers now on earth should make any benefit, or derive any the least shadow of authority from that, which is held to be the fountain of all power, Adam's private dominion and paternal jurisdiction; so that he that will not give just occasion to think that all government in the world is the product only of force and violence, and that men live together by no other rules but that of beasts, where the strongest carries it, and so lay a foundation for perpetual disorder and mischief, tumult, sedition and rebellion, (things that the followers of that hypothesis so loudly cry out against) must of necessity find out another rise of government, another original of political power, and another way of designing and knowing the persons that have it, than what Sir Robert Filmer hath taught us.

Two Treatises of Government.

Meanwhile, the authors' antidote to the American sicknessa quest for democratic community that draws on our diverse civic and religious traditionshas contributed to a vigorous scholarly and popular debate. Attention has been focused on forms of social organization, be it civil society, democratic communitarianism, or associative democracy, that can humanize the market and the administrative state. In their new Introduction the authors relate the argument of their book both to the current realities of American society and to the growing debate about the country's future. With this new edition one of the most influential books of recent times takes on a new immediacy.\

Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life

Since September 11th, we frequently hear that political differences should be put aside: the real struggle is between good and evil. What does this mean for political and social life? Is there a 'Third Way' beyond left and right, and if so, should we fear or welcome it? This thought-provoking book by Chantal Mouffe, a globally recognized political author, presents a timely account of the current state of democracy, affording readers the most relevant and up-to-date information. Arguing that liberal 'third way thinking' ignores fundamental, conflicting aspects of human nature, Mouffe states that, far from expanding democracy, globalization is undermining the combative and radical heart of democratic life. Going back first to Aristotle, she identifies the historical origins of the political and reflects on the Enlightenment, and the social contract, arguing that in spite of its good intentions, it levelled the radical core of political life. Contemporary examples, including the Iraq war, racism and the rise of the far right, are used to illustrate and support her theory that far from combating extremism, the quest for consensus politics undermines the ability to challenge it. These case studies are also highly effective points of reference for student revision. On the Political is a stimulating argument about the future of politics and addresses the most fundamental aspects of democracy that will aid further study.

On the political

Learning to Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs

Over the past few generations, expectations of comfort, cleanliness and convenience have altered radically, but these dramatic changes have largely gone unnoticed. This intriguing book brings together the sociology of consumption and technology to investigate the evolution of these changes, as well the social meaning of the practices themselves. Homes, offices, domestic appliances and clothes play a crucial role in our lives, but not many of us question exactly how and why we perform so many daily rituals associated with them. Showers, heating, air-conditioning and clothes washing are simply accepted as part of our normal, everyday lives, but clearly this was not always the case. When did the daily shower become de rigueur? What effect has air conditioning had on the siesta at one time an integral part of Mediterranean life and culture? This book interrogates the meaning and supposed normality of these practices and draws disturbing conclusions. There is clear evidence supporting the view that routine consumption is controlled by conceptions of normality and profoundly shaped by cultural and economic forces. Shove maintains that habits are not just changing, but are changing in ways that imply escalating and standardizing patterns of consumption. This shrewd and engrossing analysis shows just how far the social meanings and practices of comfort, cleanliness and convenience have eluded us.

Comfort, cleanliness and conveniencethe social organization ofnormality

In 1979, Florida Seminoles opened the first tribally operated high-stakes bingo hall in North America. At the time, their annual budget stood at less than $2 million. By 2006, net income from gaming had surpassed $600 million. This dramatic shift from poverty to relative economic security has created tangible benefits for tribal citizens, including employment, universal health insurance, and social services. Renewed political self-governance and economic strength have reversed decades of U.S. settler-state control. At the same time, gaming has brought new dilemmas to reservation communities and triggered outside accusations that Seminoles are sacrificing their culture by embracing capitalism. In High Stakes , Jessica R. Cattelino tells the story of Seminoles’ complex efforts to maintain politically and culturally distinct values in a time of new prosperity.

Cattelino presents a vivid ethnographic account of the history and consequences of Seminole gaming. Drawing on research conducted with tribal permission, she describes casino operations, chronicles the everyday life and history of the Seminole Tribe, and shares the insights of individual Seminoles. At the same time, she unravels the complex connections among cultural difference, economic power, and political rights. Through analyses of Seminole housing, museum and language programs, legal disputes, and everyday activities, she shows how Seminoles use gaming revenue to enact their sovereignty. They do so in part, she argues, through relations of interdependency with others. High Stakes compels rethinking of the conditions of indigeneity, the power of money, and the meaning of sovereignty.

High Stakes: Florida Seminole Gaming and Sovereignty

This essay examines a double bind that faces indigenous peoples in the Anglophone settler states, the double bind of need-based sovereignty. This double bind works as follows: indigenous sovereigns, such as American Indian tribal nations, require economic resources to exercise sovereignty, and their revenues often derive from their governmental rights; however, once they exercise economic power, the legitimacy of indigenous sovereignty and citizenship is challenged within settler society. Through analysis of Florida Seminole gaming and the threatened severance of Seminoles’ governmental status by mid-1900s federal “termination” policy, I show how economy-linked limits to indigenous sovereignty and citizenship rest on debates over culture, over what it is that renders American Indians distinctive as individuals and as collectives. Today, as during termination debates, Seminoles and other American Indian peoples struggle to position their economic well-being not as an anomaly or an abandonment of indigenous ways but, rather, as the result of an ongoing commitment to collective self-governance. With the sounds of termination echoing in gaming debates, it is possible to identify the reemergence of need-based sovereignty as a key modality of settler colonialism in the United States.

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The Double Bind of American Indian Need-Based Sovereignty

This article reviews recent research in sociocultural anthropology that has been conducted in and about the United States. I show that anthropologists of the United States have been concerned to locate the anthropological field in three ways: spatial investigations of region, community, and territory; epistemological and methodological projects of cultural critique and defamiliarization; and reconsideration of the place of Native North America in the anthropology of the United States. Emergent inquiry into settler colonialism and the politics of indigeneity has the potential to strengthen the anthropology of the United States by accounting for the ways that being a settler society structures all American lives.

Anthropologies of the United States

Driving past the strip malls of Hollywood, Florida, visitors know they have entered the Seminole Reservation when they approach blocks of modest houses punctuated by the thatched roofs of backyard chickees (from chiki, or home, in Mikasuki). On Seminoles' rural Big Cypress Reservation, chickees dot the landscape as storage sheds, front yard spots to sit and socialize, and shelters for taking lunch breaks away from the punishing Florida sunshine. Chickees also convey "Seminoleness" in some tribal casinos' interior design, as vendors' booths at Seminole festivals (figure 1), and even on the Seminole tribal flag, with its chickee logo (figure 2). More than any other element of the built environment, chickees mark space as distinctly Seminole. If today chickees have come to signify Seminole nation and culture to Seminoles and outsiders alike, however, the history of Seminole housing reveals a complicated and fraught relationship among chickees, governance, and the politics of culture. In this paper, which is part of a larger study of Seminole tribal sovereignty and economy in the casino era (Cattelino n.d. [forthcoming]), I examine housing as a case study of mid- to late twentieth-century relations between Seminoles and the federal government. I show how the 1990s transition from federal to tribal control over housing and other social programs,

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Florida Seminole Housing and the Social Meanings of Sovereignty

At the December 1997 meeting of Manhattan’s 9 th Precinct Community Council, a group that brings together police officers and the public to discuss crime, the leader of a block association that serves a mostly white middle-class block stood up to encourage others to become more involved in neighborhood crime prevention. She suggested that they join the precinct’s block watch program, in which they would help to prevent and report crimes on their blocks, and she promised that by signing up they would be “treated with much more credibility” by the precinct. Crime is persistent and entrenched, she acknowledged, but citizens should take responsibility for improving their own lives and neighborhoods, and not rely on the police to fight crime: “it’s not their [the precinct’s] fight, it’s our fight.” In contrast to this appeal for civic duty and civilian–police cooperation, Angela Mendez, 1 a tenant association president from a section of the precinct with mostly poor black and Latino residents, became active in crime prevention only because she believed the police did not do an adequate job of controlling crime. She blamed the precinct for neglecting poor and minority areas in favor of wealthier white blocks, and she argued for her right to equal law enforcement. Angela did not want to devote her spare hours to crime prevention, but she felt that high crime rates and police neglect left her no choice. At a time when leaders of both major political parties ask Americans to serve their country and their communities as volunteers, and when prominent scholars such as Robert Putnam worry that Americans are turning away from a tradition of civic participation that builds vibrant communities and a stronger nation (Bellah et al. 1996; Etzioni 1996; Putnam 2000), civilian crime prevention offers ways to understand and evaluate community participation, citizenship, and locality in the United States. As Susan Hyatt has observed, the growth of new ideologies of volunteerism in the United States has accompanied late twentieth-century welfare-state retrenchment, as “good citizens,” not the state, increasingly are called upon to build and maintain the public sphere (Hyatt 2001). In this paper I draw on fieldwork conducted during 1997–1998 in Manhattan’s 9 th Precinct, located on the city’s Lower East Side, to examine how civilian crime prevention reflects and produces citizenship, race and class difference, and spatialized belonging at the boundary of the state and the civil sphere. 2 Civilian policing occupies only a small slice of civic participation in New York City, but an ethnographic investigation of participants’ discourses and practices of citizenship and place illustrates larger processes of volunteerism and citizenship in a city where policing is a major locus of public debate about the proper role of the state. Why Page 114

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Jessica R. Cattelino

Papers

High Stakes: Florida Seminole Gaming and Sovereignty

The Double Bind of American Indian Need-Based Sovereignty

Anthropologies of the United States

Florida Seminole Housing and the Social Meanings of Sovereignty

The Difference that Citizenship Makes: Civilian Crime Prevention on the Lower East Side