Perceived discrimination has been studied with regard to its impact on several types of health effects. This meta-analysis provides a comprehensive account of the relationships between multiple forms of perceived discrimination and both mental and physical health outcomes. In addition, this meta-analysis examines potential mechanisms by which perceiving discrimination may affect health, including through psychological and physiological stress responses and health behaviors. Analysis of 134 samples suggests that when weighting each study's contribution by sample size, perceived discrimination has a significant negative effect on both mental and physical health. Perceived discrimination also produces significantly heightened stress responses and is related to participation in unhealthy and nonparticipation in healthy behaviors. These findings suggest potential pathways linking perceived discrimination to negative health outcomes.

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Perceived discrimination and health: a meta-analytic review.

The authors review the available empirical evidence from population-based studies of the association between perceptions of racial/ethnic discrimination and health. This research indicates that discrimination is associated with multiple indicators of poorer physical and, especially, mental health status. However, the extant research does not adequately address whether and how exposure to discrimination leads to increased risk of disease. Gaps in the literature include limitations linked to measurement of discrimination, research designs, and inattention to the way in which the association between discrimination and health unfolds over the life course. Research on stress points to important directions for the future assessment of discrimination and the testing of the underlying processes and mechanisms by which discrimination can lead to changes in health. (Am J Public Health. 2003;93:200-208)

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Racial/ethnic discrimination and health: findings from community studies.

This paper reviews 138 empirical quantitative population-based studies of self-reported racism and health. These studies show an association between self-reported racism and ill health for oppressed racial groups after adjustment for a range of confounders. The strongest and most consistent findings are for negative mental health outcomes and health-related behaviours, with weaker associations existing for positive mental health outcomes, self-assessed health status, and physical health outcomes. Most studies in this emerging field have been published in the past 5 years and have been limited by a dearth of cohort studies, a lack of psychometrically validated exposure instruments, poor conceptualization and definition of racism, conflation of racism with stress, and debate about the aetiologically relevant period for self-reported racism. Future research should examine the psychometric validity of racism instruments and include these instruments, along with objectively measured health outcomes, in existing large-scale survey vehicles as well as longitudinal studies and studies involving children. There is also a need to gain a better understanding of the perception, attribution, and reporting of racism, to investigate the pathways via which self-reported racism affects health, the interplay between mental and physical health outcomes, and exposure to intra-racial, internalized, and systemic racism. Ensuring the quality of studies in this field will allow future research to reveal the complex role that racism plays as a determinant of population health.

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A systematic review of empirical research on self-reported racism and health

Der Aufsatz ... berichtet uber einige der Hauptergebnisse einer grossen internationalen Studie (ICSEY) zur Akkulturation und Adaption von zugewanderten Jugendlichen im Alter von 13 bis 18 Jahren, die in 13 verschiedenen Aufnahmelandern (einschlieslich Deutschland) leben (n = 5.366). Weiterhin wurde eine Stichprobe von einheimischen (im Original: national) Jugendlichen (n = 2.631) untersucht. Die Analyse geht drei Kernfragen nach: Wie gehen die Jugendlichen mit Migrationshintergrund mit dem Akkulturationsprozess um? Wie gut passen sich die Jugendlichen mit Migrationshintergrund an die Gesellschaft und Schule des Aufnahmelandes an? Bestehen bedeutsame Beziehungen zwischen ihrer Akkulturationseinstellung und ihrer sozialen und schulischen Anpassung? Eine Clusteranalyse forderte vier unterschiedliche Profile von Akkulturationseinstellungen der Jugendlichen mit Migrationshintergrund zutage: integrativ, ethnisch, national und diffus. Eine Faktorenanalyse von funf Adaptionsvariablen lies auf zwei verschiedene Formen der Adaption schliessen: psychisch und soziokulturell. Es zeigten sich substantielle Beziehungen zwischen den Akkulturationseinstellungen der Jugendlichen und ihrer Anpassung. Die Jugendlichen mit einem Integrationsprofil weisen die besten Ergebnisse in Bezug auf psychische (Wohlbefinden) und soziokulturelle (schulische und soziale) Adaption auf, wahrend diejenigen mit einem diffusen Akkulturationseinstellungsprofil die ungunstigsten Ergebnisse erreichen. Dazwischen liegen die Jugendlichen mit einem ethnischen Profil, deren Anpassung in Bezug auf ihr Wohlbefinden recht gut, ihre soziale und schulische Anpassung jedoch schlechter ist. Ebenfalls dazwischen liegen die Jugendlichen mit einem nationalen Profil, deren Adaption in psychischer Hinsicht eher ungunstig ist und in soziokultureller Hinsicht eine leicht negative Tendenz aufweist. Dieses Ergebnismuster konnte durch Strukturgleichungsmodelle weitgehend bestatigt werden. Weiterhin zeigen die Analysen dieser Studie, dass wahrgenommene Diskriminierung sowohl mit psychischer als auch mit sozialer Anpassung negativ zusammen hangt und einen stark segregierenden Effekt auf Migranten hat. Die Schlussfolgerungen der Untersuchung fur das Leben der Jugendlichen in einer Einwanderungsgesellschaft sind klar: Jugendliche mit Migrationshintergrund sollten ermutigt werden, einen Bezug zu ihrer Herkunftskultur zu erhalten und gleichzeitig enge Verbindungen zur Aufnahmegesellschaft aufzubauen. (DIPF/Orig.).

Immigrant youth. Acculturation, identity and adaptation

Cet article presente plusieurs des principaux resultats d’une grande etude internationale sur l’acculturation et l’adaptation de jeunes immigres (âges de 13 a 18 ans) qui se sont implantes dans treize pays (N = 5,366); il y est adjoint un echantillon de jeunes nationaux (N = 2,631). La recherche s’appuyait sur trois questions centrales: comment les jeunes migrants gerent-ils le processus d’acculturation? Comment parviennent-ils a s’adapter? Et y a-t-il un lien manifeste entre la forme d’acculturation et le succes de l’adaptation? L’analyse en clusters deboucha sur quatre profils d’acculturation: integrateur, ethnique, national et diffus. L’analyse factorielle de cinq variables d’adaptation mit en evidence deux types d’adaptation: psychologique et socioculturel. Il existe une forte relation entre la facon dont les jeunes s’acculturent et leur adaptation: ceux qui presentent un profil integrateur beneficient des meilleurs indicateurs d’adaptations psychologique et socioculturelle alors que ceux souffrant d’un profil diffus ont les pires. Entre les deux, le profil ethnique presente une adaptation psychologique relativement bonne et une adaptation socioculturelle plutot pauvre, tandis que le profil national a une adaptation psychologique relativement pauvre et une adaptation socioculturelle legerement negative. Cette configuration de resultats fut en grande partie retrouvee a travers une modelisation en equation structurelle. Les consequences pour l’implantation des jeunes immigres sont claires: ils devraient etre encourages a preserver l’appartenance a leur culture d’origine tout en etablissant des liens etroits avec la societe d’accueil.

This paper reports some of the main findings from a large international study of the acculturation and adaptation of immigrant youth (aged 13 to 18 years) who are settled in 13 societies (N= 5,366), as well as a sample of national youth (N= 2,631). The study was guided by three core questions: How do immigrant youth deal with the process of acculturation? How well do they adapt? Are there important relationships between how they acculturate and how well they adapt? Cluster analysis produced four distinct acculturation profiles: integration, ethnic, national, and diffuse. Factor analysis of five adaptation variables revealed two distinct forms of adaptation: psychological and sociocultural. There were substantial relationships between how youth acculturate and how well they adapt: those with an integration profile had the best psychological and sociocultural adaptation outcomes, while those with a diffuse profile had the worst; in between, those with an ethnic profile had moderately good psychological adaptation but poorer sociocultural adaptation, while those with a national profile had moderately poor psychological adaptation, and slightly negative sociocultural adaptation. This pattern of results was largely replicated using structural equation modeling. Implications for the settlement of immigrant youth are clear: youth should be encouraged to retain both a sense of their own heritage cultural identity, while establishing close ties with the larger national society.

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Immigrant Youth: Acculturation, Identity, and Adaptation

Using data obtained from personal interviews with 647 Southeast Asian refugees in Canada, this study tests hypotheses regarding both the association between perceived racial discrimination and depression, and the roles of coping and ethnic identity in conditioning the nature of the discrimination-depression relation. Refugees who reported that they had experienced racial discrimination had higher depression levels than their counterparts who reported no such experiences. Responding to discrimination through confrontation was not significantly associated with depression. Study findings support the effectiveness of forbearance in diminishing the strength of the association between discrimination and depression. The moderating effect of forbearance was conditioned by the level of ethnic identity: The beneficial effect of forbearance was significantly greater among those holding stronger ethnic identification. Cultural and situational interpretations of the findings are presented.

Perceived racial discrimination, depression, and coping: a study of Southeast Asian refugees in Canada.

/RESUME This analytic paper provides a concise overview of the concepts of identity and diversity It begins with a definition of identity and identification, explains the difference between types of identities and specific identifies, and introduces an important distinction between overlapping and intersecting identities Common approaches to the conceptualisation of an individual's identity are then presented, along with their respective limitations; a more multi-dimensional model is subsequently offered The paper turns next to a discussion of diversity as an important sub-area within identity research that focusses specifically on the intersections of various types of identity with minority status The author argues that in order to better understand both overlapping and intersecting identifies, attention needs to be given to three distinct, yet intertwining identification processes: identity development/formation, identity construction, and identity negotiation Together with concomitant conceptual distinctions between self-identity, personal identity, and social identity, this will also help to bridge and integrate identity research across the social sciences The paper concludes with a reflection regarding the importance of a multidimensional intersectional perspective for research, policy, programme, and service delivery initiatives Ce document analytique donne un apercu concis des concepts de l'identite et de la diversite Il debute avec une definition de l'identite et de l'identification, explique la difference entre les types d'identites et les identites precises et presente une importante distinction entre les identites qui se chevauchent et celles qui se croisent Des approches communes a la conceptualisation de l'identite d'une personne sont ensuite presentees, ainsi que leurs limites respectives; un modele encore plus multidimensionnel est ensuite offert Le document fait ensuite etat d'une discussion sur la diversite en tant que sous-domaine important dans la recherche de l'identite qui met l'accent sur les intersections des differents types d'identite en situation minoritaire L'auteur soutient que pour mieux comprendre les identites qui se chevauchent et qui se croisent, il faut tourner notre attention vers trois processus d'identification distincts mais interrelies : developpement/formation de l'identite, la construction de l'identite, et la negociation de l'identite De pair avec des distinctions conceptuelles concomitantes entre l'auto-identite, l'identite personnelle et l'identite sociale, cela aidera egalement a etablir des relations et a integrer la recherche sur l'identite dans toutes les sciences sociales Le document conclut avec une reflexion au sujet de l'importance d'une perspective intersectionnelle multidimensionnelle a des fins de recherche, de politique, de programme et d'initiatives de prestation de services INTRODUCTION The recognition of socially-salient similarities and differences forms the very corner-stone of social interaction Social exchanges are founded upon an initial determination of whether the Self is like Other or whether it is different from Other in an important way In this assessment a wide variety of identity criteria may be called upon to establish whether I am I and You are You, or whether I plus You make We The resulting self-identifications are central to the individual's self-concept and overall sense of well being Personal and social identifications in turn help to position individuals and groups within the larger societal framework Identity processes thus constitute the very basis for self-definition as well as group formation and boundary maintenance, while the concomitant identifications themselves directly inform individuals' life experiences Most identity research tends to focus primarily on single types of identities--gender, ethnic, linguistic, 'racial,' religious--that are then often considered rather independently of each other (Rummens 2000) …

Conceptualising Identity and Diversity: Overlaps, Intersections, and Processes

/RESUME This report examines levels and types of racist experiences reported by a large sample of Southeast Asians refugees resettling in Canada, the determinants of their perceptions, and methods they employed to cope with these experiences. Twenty-six per cent reported at least one racist experience, more often subtle than overt. Loyalty to the heritage culture, receiving at least some education in Canada, and extensive use of Canadian media were each associated with an increased likelihood of reporting experiences of discrimination. Context and community size affected perceptions of racism. Chinese living in ethnically dense neighbourhoods were particularly likely to perceive racially based discrimination; however, ethnic enclosure appeared to protect Vietnamese and Laotians from these experiences. Faced with racism, the refugees were more likely to react by forbearance, rather than confrontation. Acculturation level and ethnic commitment were both directly related to the tendency to cope through confrontation rat her than forbearance. Ce rapport examine les degres et les types d'experiences racistes rapportees par unimportant echantillon de refugies du sud-est de l'Asie venus s' installer au Canada, ainsi que les facteurs determinants de leurs perceptions et les mecanismes d'adaptation. Vingt-six pour cent des refugies interviewes ont signale avoir eu une experience raciste, le plus souvent subtile plutot que flagrante. La fidelite a la culture patrimoniale, le fait de recevoir au moms une partie de leur education au Canada et le vaste recours a la presse canadienne etaient tous des facteurs lies a une plus grande probabilite de signaler les experiences de discrimination. Le contexte et la taille de la collectivite ont eu un effet sur les perceptions de racisme. Les Chinois qui vivaient dans des quartiers ethniques particulierement denses etaient davantage portes a percevoir une discrimination raciale; il semble toutefois que l'enclave ethnique a protege les Vietnamiens et les Laotiens de ces experiences. Confrontes au racisme, les refugie s etaient plutot portes a reagir par abstention que par confrontation. Le degre d'acculturation et d'engagement ethnique etaient tous deux directement lies a la tendance d'y faire face par la confrontation plutot que l'abstention. INTRODUCTION Visible minority immigrants and refugees are an increasingly significant presence in North America. As recently as 1981, Canada was 95 percent white. However, if current immigration, fertility and mortality trends persist, visible minorities will. by the year 2016, constitute 20 percent of the country's adult population and 25 percent of the child population (Kelly, 1995). Demographic trends are also altering the complexion of the United States: according to Bureau of the Census (1992) forecasts, non-whites will numerically surpass whites in the United States by the year 2050. Diversity can threaten inter-group harmony. To combat divisiveness resulting from ethnoculturally based discrimination (Avery, 1979; Thompson, 1996; Lieberson, 1982), Canada has adopted the goal of a culturally tolerant society. This vision is embedded, for example, in the country's Multiculturalism Policy dating back to 1971, as well as in more recent legislation such as the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms of 1982, and the Multiculturalism Act of 1988. Although conceptual and methodological flaws limit its interpretability, a national survey (Palmer, 1997) does at least suggest that Canadians consider themselves to be a tolerant people, accepting of diversity. It would be comforting to think that a combination of good will, policy, and legislation have wiped Canada clean of racism. In some ways, however, Canada is a bit like Dorian Gray, the eponymous protagonist of Oscar Wilde's famous novel. Although the blemishes of overt racism are disappearing from the country's public face, a truer, meaner por trait hangs in the Canadian attic (Angus Reid, 1991; Head, 1975; Henry, Tator, Mattis, & Rees, 1995). …

Southeast Asian Refugees' Perceptions of Racial Discrimination in Canada

/RESUME This analytic paper explores the use of ethnic origin census data in policy- and practice-relevant health research. It begins with a definition of key terms, outlines the importance of ethnicity and health research, and provides a summary overview of the existing research literature. This is followed by a review of the changing formulation and format of the "ethnic origin" question itself through time, and a consideration of the implications thereof for data usage. The paper next examines the use of ethnic origin data in health research, considers data linkages with various health status indicators, and explores linkages with other health-related surveys; it also outlines the use of ethnic origin information in health policy development, programme planning, and service delivery. The discussion then turns to an identification of core issues, the provision of concrete suggestions for addressing the conceptual and methodological challenges identified, and the presentation of key recommendations for future directions. Ce document analytique scrute l'utilisation des donnees sur l'origine ethnique tirees du recensement de 2001 dans la recherche en sante pertinente sur le plan des politiques et des pratiques. L'auteure definit d'abord les termes cles, souligne l'importance de l'appartenance ethnique et de la recherche en sante pour la societe canadienne, et fait un survol des recherches dans le domaine. L'auteure examine ensuite brievement la formulation de la question sur l'origine ethnique, ainsi que son format et sa transformation au fil du temps, et elle se penche sur l'incidence de ces facteurs pour I'utilisation des donnees. Le document traite par la suite de l'utilisation des donnees dans la recherche sur la sante, aborde la question du couplage des donnees avec divers indicateurs de sante, et examine les liens avec d'autres sondages lies a la sante; il explique egalement l'utilisation des renseignements sur l'origine ethnique dans la recherche sur la sante, l'elaboration des politiques, la planification des programmes et la prestation de services. Le document cerne ensuite les enjeux fondamentaux et fournit plusieurs suggestions concretes pour resoudre les problemes conceptuels et methodologiques mentionnes ainsi que quelques recommandations cles pour les orientations futures. INTRODUCTION Research in the area of ethnicity and health is of growing strategic importance given Canada's rapidly increasing ethno-cultural diversity. Over the past four decades, Canada has undergone a fundamental demographic shift attributable largely to changing immigration trends. Since 1901 it has welcomed 13.4 million new immigrants, a number equivalent to 45% of its current population. In both the 1960s and 1970s, 1.4 million new immigrants arrived, with an additional 1.3 million newcomers admitted in the 1980s; this increased to 2.2 million immigrants between 1991 and 2000. According to Statistics Canada, "flows this high have not been seen since the beginning of the century" (2003:6). Between 230,000 and 250,000 immigrants and refugees currently arrive in Canada each year. In 1957, the top ten immigrant source countries were all European; four decades later eight of the top ten were non-European (Kessel 1998) reflecting a major change in primary sending countries. Whereas prior to 1961, European borns made up 90% of all immigrants coming to Canada, between 1981 and 1991 they constituted only 25% of new immigrants (Badets 1993). In 1996 the top three regions of origin were Asia and the Pacific (51%), Europe and the United Kingdom (21%), followed by Africa and the Middle East (18%). Approximately 15% of new immigrants came from India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 1999), and 30% were from China, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the Philippines. The more recent census indicates that 58% who arrived between 1991 and 2001 came from Asia (including the Middle East), 20% from Europe, 11% from the Caribbean and Central and South America, 8% from Africa, and 3% from the United States. …

Joanna Anneke Rummens

Papers

Perceived racial discrimination, depression, and coping: a study of Southeast Asian refugees in Canada.

Conceptualising Identity and Diversity: Overlaps, Intersections, and Processes

Southeast Asian Refugees' Perceptions of Racial Discrimination in Canada

Ethnic Ancestry, Culture, Identity, and Health: Using Ethnic Origin Data from the 2001 Canadian Census