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Part I. Experimental Studies: 2. Experiment in psychology 3. Experiments on perceiving III Experiments on imaging 4-8. Experiments on remembering: (a) The method of description (b) The method of repeated reproduction (c) The method of picture writing (d) The method of serial reproduction (e) The method of serial reproduction picture material 9. Perceiving, recognizing, remembering 10. A theory of remembering 11. Images and their functions 12. Meaning Part II. Remembering as a Study in Social Psychology: 13. Social psychology 14. Social psychology and the matter of recall 15. Social psychology and the manner of recall 16. Conventionalism 17. The notion of a collective unconscious 18. The basis of social recall 19. A summary and some conclusions.

Remembering. A Study in Experimental and Social Psychology, Cambridge (University Press) 1964.

Social behavior is ordinarily treated as being under conscious (if not always thoughtful) control. However, considerable evidence now supports the view that social behavior often operates in an implicit or unconscious fashion. The identifying feature of implicit cognition is that past experience influences judgment in a fashion not introspectively known by the actor. The present conclusion--that attitudes, self-esteem, and stereotypes have important implicit modes of operation--extends both the construct validity and predictive usefulness of these major theoretical constructs of social psychology. Methodologically, this review calls for increased use of indirect measures--which are imperative in studies of implicit cognition. The theorized ordinariness of implicit stereotyping is consistent with recent findings of discrimination by people who explicitly disavow prejudice. The finding that implicit cognitive effects are often reduced by focusing judges' attention on their judgment task provides a basis for evaluating applications (such as affirmative action) aimed at reducing such unintended discrimination.

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Implicit Social Cognition: Attitudes, Self-Esteem, and Stereotypes.

Stereotype research emphasizes systematic processes over seemingly arbitrary contents, but content also may prove systematic. On the basis of stereotypes' intergroup functions, the stereotype content model hypothesizes that (a) 2 primary dimensions are competence and warmth, (b) frequent mixed clusters combine high warmth with low competence (paternalistic) or high competence with low warmth (envious), and (c) distinct emotions (pity, envy, admiration, contempt) differentiate the 4 competence-warmth combinations. Stereotypically, (d) status predicts high competence, and competition predicts low warmth. Nine varied samples rated gender, ethnicity, race, class, age, and disability out-groups. Contrary to antipathy models, 2 dimensions mattered, and many stereotypes were mixed, either pitying (low competence, high warmth subordinates) or envying (high competence, low warmth competitors). Stereotypically, status predicted competence, and competition predicted low warmth.

/pdf/a-model-of-often-mixed-stereotype-content-competence-and-4lnqi6l7zn.pdf

A model of (often mixed) stereotype content: Competence and warmth respectively follow from perceived status and competition.

The present historical moment may seem a particularly inopportune time to review Bowling Alone, Robert Putnam's latest exploration of civic decline in America. After all, the outpouring of volunteerism, solidarity, patriotism, and self-sacrifice displayed by Americans in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks appears to fly in the face of Putnam's central argument: that \"social capital\" -defined as \"social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them\" (p. 19)'has declined to dangerously low levels in America over the last three decades. However, Putnam is not fazed in the least by the recent effusion of solidarity. Quite the contrary, he sees in it the potential to \"reverse what has been a 30to 40-year steady decline in most measures of connectedness or community.\"' As an example of how the current \"war on terrorism\" could generate a durable civic renewal, Putnam points to the burst in civic practices that occurred during and after World War II, which he says \"permanently marked\" the generation that lived through it and had a \"terrific effect on American public life over the last half-century.\" 3 If Americans can follow this example and channel their current civic

Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community

Önalávetés a társadalomban: A rendszerigazolás pszichológiája [Self-submission in society: The psychology of system justification]

Hemos realizado un estudio longitudinal con 734 estudiantes durante un periodo de tres meses que incluia la eleccion presiden-cial norteamericana de 2008. El estudio in-vestiga factores como las caracteristicas de personalidad y las preferencias ideologicas de los sujetos en la prediccion de las per-cepciones de los principales candidatos y la estabilidad y cambio en las preferencias de voto para Barack Obama y John McCain. Investigaciones previas sobre personalidad y la orientacion politica sugieren que la Apertura a nuevas experiencias esta rela-cionada positivamente con las preferencias politicas liberales, mientras que la Respon-sabilidad esta positivamente asociada con las preferencias conservadoras; nosotros reprodujimos estos resultados en el contexto del estudio actual. Varios factores ideologi-cos predijeron la conversion a la candidatu-ra de Obama. Entre ellos, el grado de libera-lismo autoinformado de los sujetos; las per-cepciones de sus padres como liberales (frente a conservadores); puntuaciones ba-jas en autoritarismo y la justificacion del sistema politico (es decir, apoyo al sistema actual de la politica electoral y el gobierno).

/pdf/la-conversion-a-obama-personalidad-e-ideologia-como-23ekp2bqhp.pdf

LA CONVERSIÓN A OBAMA Personalidad e ideología como determinantes de las preferencias de candidato en la elección presidencial americana de 2008

This article rebuts arguments made by proponents of the Social Identity Model of Social Attitudes (SIMSA), especially the claim that needs for accuracy and a positively distinct social identity are sufficient to explain system justification by members of disadvantaged groups. There are many serious conceptual and empirical problems with SIMSA: (1) It treats system justification as the outcome of neutral, non-ideological processes, adopting a relativistic position about social injustice; (2) It conflates completely different concepts, such as (a) holding beliefs that favour an out-group vs. believing that one is a member of that group, and (b) recognising that status differences exist vs. believing that those differences are legitimate; (3) It is fatalistic, implying that it would be “socially inaccurate and maladaptive” for the disadvantaged to challenge “social reality” by protesting against the status quo; (4) It fails to explain individual differences and within-group variability in system justification tendencies; (5) Most SIMSA hypotheses presuppose the existence of system justification by assuming that the social system is already perceived as legitimate and stable; and (6) Existing evidence is based on experiments that are subject to numerous interpretational ambiguities. We call for an integrative model of social attitudes that incorporates ideological factors – such as whether one is motivated to defend vs. challenge the status quo – alongside needs for self-esteem and positive group distinctiveness. 

Rejoinder to Rubin, Owuamalam, Spears, and Caricati (2023): Ideology is not accuracy; identity is not everything; and the social identity model of social attitudes does not explain system justification, it presupposes it

How do children in the U.S. represent the ideal society? A scientific understanding of how children engage in utopian thinking—and how their ideas relate to cross-cultural standards developed by the United Nations—is potentially useful for the development of social movements aimed at progressive social change. In this article we report the results of group projects created by 56 fifth-grade students (27 boys, 29 girls) in New York City who were instructed to work together in small groups to represent their ideal society of the future. We found that themes of economic prosperity and cultural sensitivity, especially the need to promote social and economic equality and to prevent discrimination and prejudice, were central to children's conceptions of the good society. On several major issues, the utopian societies that were proposed dovetailed with the sustainability development goals identified by the United Nations, especially ‘Decent Work and Economic Growth’, ‘Reduced Inequality’, and ‘Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions’. The children were acutely aware of the need for environmental protection and climate action but understandably lacked a clear sense of how to provide ‘Affordable and Clean Energy’ and ‘Clean Water and Sanitation’ in their ideal societies. 

John T. Jost

Papers

Önalávetés a társadalomban: A rendszerigazolás pszichológiája [Self-submission in society: The psychology of system justification]

LA CONVERSIÓN A OBAMA Personalidad e ideología como determinantes de las preferencias de candidato en la elección presidencial americana de 2008

Rejoinder to Rubin, Owuamalam, Spears, and Caricati (2023): Ideology is not accuracy; identity is not everything; and the social identity model of social attitudes does not explain system justification, it presupposes it

Children's social representations of utopian societies

A Few Words about Authoritarianism, Conservatism, and Related Constructs