Part I. Setting the Scene: 1. The argument: mosquito determinism and its limits 2. Atlantic empires and Caribbean ecology 3. Deadly fevers, deadly doctors Part II. Imperial Mosquitoes: 4. From Recife to Kourou: yellow fever takes hold, 1620-1764 5. Cartagena and Havana: yellow fever rampant Part III. Revolutionary Mosquitoes: 6. Lord Cornwallis vs anopheles quadrimaculatus, 1780-1 7. Revolutionary fevers: Haiti, New Granada, and Cuba, 1790-1898 8. Epilogue: vector and virus vanquished.

Mosquito Empires: Ecology and War in the Greater Caribbean, 1620–1914

In one form or another, slavery has existed throughout the world for millennia. It helped to change the world, and the world transformed the institution. In the 1450s, when Europeans from the small corner of the globe least enmeshed in the institution first interacted with peoples of other continents, they created, in the Americas, the most dynamic, productive, and exploitative system of coerced labor in human history. Three centuries later these same intercontinental actions produced a movement that successfully challenged the institution at the peak of its dynamism. Within another century a new surge of European expansion constructed Old World empires under the banner of antislavery. However, twentieth-century Europe itself was inundated by a new system of slavery, larger and more deadly than its earlier system of New World slavery. This book examines these dramatic expansions and contractions of the institution of slavery and the impact of violence, economics, and civil society in the ebb and flow of slavery and antislavery during the last five centuries.

Abolition: A History of Slavery and Antislavery

Scholars of slavery in Latin America are giving renewed attention to the study of the law. Although this literature is not as developed and sophisticated as in the United States, where slavery has been a central concern of legal historians for quite some time, a specialized subfield seems to be in the making. This is a welcome development. After all, every important aspect of slaves' lives in the Iberian colonies, from birth and nourishment to marriage, leisure, punishment, and rest, was regulated in theory by a vast, indeed massive, array of positive laws. Some of these regulations had been part of the traditional statutes of Castile for centuries, others were passed by the Crown or by local organs of administration and power.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/0C2476F4651CE0B672FB6208DFDF5E38/S0738248000015315a.pdf/div-class-title-slave-law-and-claims-making-in-cuba-the-tannenbaum-debate-revisited-div.pdf

Slave Law and Claims-Making in Cuba: The Tannenbaum Debate Revisited

Introduction: the Haitian Revolution and Cuban slave society 1. 'A colony worth a kingdom': Cuba's sugar revolution in the shadow of Saint-Domingue 2. 'An excess of communication': the capture of news in a slave society 3. An unlikely alliance: Cuba and the black auxiliaries 4. Revolution's disavowal: Cuba and a counterrevolution of slavery 5. 'Masters of all': echoes of Haitian independence in Cuba 6. Atlantic crucible: 1808 between Haiti and Spain 7. A black kingdom of this world: making history, imagining revolution in Havana, 1812 Epilogue: Haiti, Cuba, and history: afterlives of antislavery and revolution.

Freedom's Mirror: Cuba and Haiti in the Age of Revolution

The American and Latin American independence movements emerged from distinctive settings and produced divergent results, but they were animated by similar ideas Patriotic political theorists throughout the Americas offered analogous critiques of imperial rule, designed comparable constitutions, and expressed common ambitions for their new nations' future relations with one another and the rest of the world This book adopts a hemispheric perspective on the revolutions that liberated the United States and Spanish America, offering a new interpretation of their most important political ideas Simon argues that the many points of agreement among various revolutionary political theorists across the Americas can be attributed to the problems they encountered in common as Creoles - that is, as the descendants of European settlers born in the Americas He illustrates this by comparing the political thought of three Creole revolutionaries: Alexander Hamilton of the United States, Simon Bolivar of Venezuela, and Lucas Alaman of Mexico

The Ideology of Creole Revolution: Imperialism and Independence in American and Latin American Political Thought

In the late nineteenth century, in an age of ascendant racism and imperial expansion, there emerged in Cuba a movement that unified black, mulatto, and white men in an attack on Europe's oldest empire, with the goal of creating a nation explicitly defined as antiracist. This book tells the story of the thirty-year unfolding and undoing of that movement. Ada Ferrer examines the participation of black and mulatto Cubans in nationalist insurgency from 1868, when a slaveholder began the revolution by freeing his slaves, until the intervention of racially segregated American forces in 1898. In so doing, she uncovers the struggles over the boundaries of citizenship and nationality that their participation brought to the fore, and she shows that even as black participation helped sustain the movement ideologically and militarily, it simultaneously prompted accusations of race war and fed the forces of counterinsurgency. Carefully examining the tensions between racism and antiracism contained within Cuban nationalism, Ferrer paints a dynamic portrait of a movement built upon the coexistence of an ideology of racial fraternity and the persistence of presumptions of hierarchy. |Examines the tensions between racism and anti-racism in Cuba's struggle to become a nation between 1868 and 1898.

Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868-1898

The Framework of U.S. Relations with Latin America in the Twentieth Century: An Interpretive Essay

T HE LEGAL AND ECONOMIC SUBORDINATION of Cuba to the United States in the twentieth century caused the expression of nationalism in the island to be characterized by extremes of timidity and explosiveness. In most circumstances, United States power led Cuban dissidents to express themselves in very moderate terms. This accommodationist wing of Cuban nationalism placed appeals to North American liberal opinion foremost in their programs and usually sought to avoid antagonizing United States business interests. Arising from the middle and upper classes, this form of nationalism perceived the interests of the Cuban nation as being ineluctably bound up with those of enlightened international forces within the United States. This moderate nationalism was doubly flawed: 1) because the necessity of accommodating certain North American interests precluded an emotional commitment to Cuban nationhood sufficient to inspire mass allegiance, and 2) because it undercut attempts at significant political or economic reform. To the more militant nationalists, the very necessity of acknowledging North American influence in the island confirmed such influence as the principal enemy of Cuban nationalism. Thus the nationalist sentiments of the romantic, status-deprived, or economically superfluous members of the middle class-and of the populist and Marxist movements among the proletariat-focused directly on anti-Yankeeism and tended to move in the direction of radical reform or even socialist revolution. Each of the three major expressions of Cuban nationalism in the twentieth century has illustrated the struggle between accommodationist and revolutionary solutions. The first of these-the resistance to the Platt Amendment-was accommodationist in character, while the third-the movement against the Batista dictatorship-was of a radical and eventually revolutionary character. The second nationalist up-

The Machadato and Cuban Nationalism, 1928-1932

Central America and the United States: The Search for Stability. By Thomas M. Leonard. Athens: University of Georgia Press and In the Name of Democracy: U.S. Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years. By Thomas Carothers. Berkeley: University of California Press

Jules R. Benjamin

Papers

Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868-1898

The Framework of U.S. Relations with Latin America in the Twentieth Century: An Interpretive Essay

The Machadato and Cuban Nationalism, 1928-1932

Central America and the United States: The Search for Stability. By Thomas M. Leonard. Athens: University of Georgia Press and In the Name of Democracy: U.S. Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years. By Thomas Carothers. Berkeley: University of California Press

Cuba 1933: Students, Yankees, and Soldiers