计量经济分析 = Econometric analysis

I have developed "tennis elbow" from lugging this book around the past four weeks, but it is worth the pain, the effort, and the aspirin. It is also worth the (relatively speaking) bargain price. Including appendixes, this book contains 894 pages of text. The entire panorama of the neural sciences is surveyed and examined, and it is comprehensive in its scope, from genomes to social behaviors. The editors explicitly state that the book is designed as "an introductory text for students of biology, behavior, and medicine," but it is hard to imagine any audience, interested in any fragment of neuroscience at any level of sophistication, that would not enjoy this book. The editors have done a masterful job of weaving together the biologic, the behavioral, and the clinical sciences into a single tapestry in which everyone from the molecular biologist to the practicing psychiatrist can find and appreciate his or

Principles of Neural Science

The 11th edition of Harrison's Principles of Internal Medicine welcomes Anthony Fauci to its editorial staff, in addition to more than 85 new contributors. While the organization of the book is similar to previous editions, major emphasis has been placed on disorders that affect multiple organ systems. Important advances in genetics, immunology, and oncology are emphasized. Many chapters of the book have been rewritten and describe major advances in internal medicine. Subjects that received only a paragraph or two of attention in previous editions are now covered in entire chapters. Among the chapters that have been extensively revised are the chapters on infections in the compromised host, on skin rashes in infections, on many of the viral infections, including cytomegalovirus and Epstein-Barr virus, on sexually transmitted diseases, on diabetes mellitus, on disorders of bone and mineral metabolism, and on lymphadenopathy and splenomegaly. The major revisions in these chapters and many

Harrison's Principles of Internal Medicine

A Treatise on the Family. G. S. Becker. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 1981. Gary Becker is one of the most famous and influential economists of the second half of the 20th century, a fervent contributor to and expounder of the University of Chicago free-market philosophy, and winner of the 1992 Nobel Prize in economics. Although any book with the word "treatise" in its title is clearly intended to have an impact, one coming from someone as brilliant and controversial as Becker certainly had such a lofty goal. It has received many article-length reviews in several disciplines (Ben-Porath, 1982; Bergmann, 1995; Foster, 1993; Hannan, 1982), which is one measure of its scholarly importance, and yet its impact is, I think, less than it may have initially appeared, especially for scholars with substantive interests in the family. This book is, its title notwithstanding, more about economics and the economic approach to behavior than about the family. In the first sentence of the preface, Becker writes "In this book, I develop an economic or rational choice approach to the family." Lest anyone accuse him of focusing on traditional (i.e., material) economics topics, such as family income, poverty, and labor supply, he immediately emphasizes that those topics are not his focus. "My intent is more ambitious: to analyze marriage, births, divorce, division of labor in households, prestige, and other non-material behavior with the tools and framework developed for material behavior." Indeed, the book includes chapters on many of these issues. One chapter examines the principles of the efficient division of labor in households, three analyze marriage and divorce, three analyze various child-related issues (fertility and intergenerational mobility), and others focus on broader family issues, such as intrafamily resource allocation. His analysis is not, he believes, constrained by time or place. His intention is "to present a comprehensive analysis that is applicable, at least in part, to families in the past as well as the present, in primitive as well as modern societies, and in Eastern as well as Western cultures." His tone is profoundly conservative and utterly skeptical of any constructive role for government programs. There is a clear sense of how much better things were in the old days of a genderbased division of labor and low market-work rates for married women. Indeed, Becker is ready and able to show in Chapter 2 that such a state of affairs was efficient and induced not by market or societal discrimination (although he allows that it might exist) but by small underlying household productivity differences that arise primarily from what he refers to as "complementarities" between caring for young children while carrying another to term. Most family scholars would probably find that an unconvincingly simple explanation for a profound and complex phenomenon. What, then, is the salient contribution of Treatise on the Family? It is not literally the idea that economics could be applied to the nonmarket sector and to family life because Becker had already established that with considerable success and influence. At its core, microeconomics is simple, characterized by a belief in the importance of prices and markets, the role of self-interested or rational behavior, and, somewhat less centrally, the stability of preferences. It was Becker's singular and invaluable contribution to appreciate that the behaviors potentially amenable to the economic approach were not limited to phenomenon with explicit monetary prices and formal markets. Indeed, during the late 1950s and throughout the 1960s, he did undeniably important and pioneering work extending the domain of economics to such topics as labor market discrimination, fertility, crime, human capital, household production, and the allocation of time. Nor is Becker's contribution the detailed analyses themselves. Many of them are, frankly, odd, idiosyncratic, and off-putting. …

A Treatise on the Family

https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa54196/Download/54196__17493__47815979be224dde9a7b3f9b037ce7ec.pdf

Multidisciplinary research priorities for the COVID-19 pandemic: a call for action for mental health science.

Fertility, female laborforce participation, and the relationship between them are key subjects in a number of theoretical and applied areas of sociology. Because sex role norms and the widespread use of birth control devices have given American women much control over their fertility and substantial choice in their labor force activity (or inactivity), understanding the development and interrelationship of labor force participation plans and fertility expectations assumes great importance in understanding actual labor force participation and actualfertility. As a step toward understanding this development, we describe and attempt to explain the effect of women's age on the relationship between their labor force participation plans and their fertility expectations. Using data from a national sample of young women aged 19 to 29 in 1973 (N=3,589), we find a strong, linear relationship (r= -.96) between women's age and the effect of their plans for labor force participation on the number of children that they expect to bear in their lifetime. An explanation of this finding (called the Learning Hypothesis) is advanced which survives tests against several plausible alternative hypotheses. Policy implications and productive paths for future research are discussed.

Age, Fertility Expectations and Plans for Employment

Rural Women at Work: Strategies for Development in South Asia.

Changes since 1940 in the rates and patterns of labor force participation of married women are examined using retrospective work histories of wives taken from the 1960 Growth of American Families Study. The effects of certain predictor variables, such as income of the husband, wage potential of the wife and number of children under six, on the probability of a woman working are determined for life cycle stages. Changes since 1940 in the effects of these predictors are examined using a single-equation, additive linear model and analysis of covariance techniques. The major hypothesis tested in this research is that significant changes have occurred since 1940 in the effects of the factors influencing working by wives. The research supports this hypothesis for the early stages of marriage and childbearing only. No changes in either probability of work activity between births or the effects of all predictors when these are considered together on this activity are found for wives with three or more children. When each causal variable is considered separately, a significant decrease is noted in the effects of those factors which tend to inhibit wives' working. Among these are the presence of children under six, the age of the wife and her educational level. The factors which tend to facilitate working, past labor force activity and wife's earning power, have tended to increase in effect or have remained strongly positive influences.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2094373.pdf

Working Wives: 1940 - 1960.

Increasing rates of marital dissolution mean that many more children than in the past spend part of their childhood in single-parent families. This paper explores the effects of family structure during the teenage years on the likelihood of marriage later for both males and females. Using data from two national longitudinal surveys of young people, the analysis finds that childhood family patterns do influence the later family formation of the children involved. However, the experience of disruption of parental marriage affects sons and daughters and blacks and whites somewhat differently. The paper describes these patterns in detail and discusses their implications.

/pdf/effects-of-childhood-family-structure-on-the-transition-to-1bnclrp25m.pdf

Effects of Childhood Family Structure on the Transition to Marriage

Data from the US High School and Beyond panel study indicate that of 13061 female high school sophomores who responded to both the baseline questionnaire in 1980 and a 1982 follow-up 41% of blacks 29% of Hispanics and 23% of non-Hispanic whites said they either would or might consider having a child outside of marriage Such willingness was higher among young women who according to their background characteristics were at greater risk of teenage parenthood In addition young black women were more willing to consider having a child while single than were white or Hispanic respondents at every level of risk The data also show that with the possible exception of Hispanics willing respondents generally registered much higher rates of nonmarital childbearing over the 2 years following the baseline survey than the young women unwilling to consider nonmarital childbearing Respondents reports on their own disciplinary problems in school and on their class-cutting and absenteeism showed that such problem behavior was related to the teenagers willingness to consider nonmarital childbearing Proportionally more of the respondents who ranked high on a scale of problem behavior were willing to do so even when background differences were controlled for In addition when the respondents educational expectations were used as proxy measures of the potential opportunity costs of single parenthood the results revealed that the higher their educational expectations the lower their willingness to have an out-of-wedlock birth This pattern persisted when the young womens background risk of teenage childbearing was considered Finally at least among Hispanic and white respondents inidividuals who reported several instances of depression in the previous month were more likely to claim that they would consider nonmarital childbearing than were their nondepressed peers (authors)

/pdf/teenagers-willing-to-consider-single-parenthood-who-is-at-2sg4vkeu61.pdf

Linda J. Waite

Papers

Age, Fertility Expectations and Plans for Employment

Rural Women at Work: Strategies for Development in South Asia.

Working Wives: 1940 - 1960.

Effects of Childhood Family Structure on the Transition to Marriage

Teenagers willing to consider single parenthood: who is at greatest risk?