Acknowledgments .- Abbreviations .- Tables .- Introduction .- 1. Defining a Greek compound . 1.1 Introduction . 1.2 Greek as a stem-based language . 1.3 In search of a definition . 1.3.1Single stress . 1.3.2 Bound constituents . 1.3.3 Structural position . 1.3.4 Linking element . 1.3.5 Semantic opacity . 1.3.6 Lexical integrity . 1.3.7 Graphic unity . 1.3.8 Compounds versus syntactic constructions .1.4 Summary . 1.5 References .- 2. Grammatical category and constituents . 2.1 Introduction . 2.2 Nouns . 2.3 Adjectives . 2.4 Verbs . 2.5 Other categories . 2.5.1 Adverbs . 2.5.2 Compounds with a pronoun or a cardinal number . 2.6 Summary . 2.7 References .- 3 Compound marking . 3.1 Introduction . 3.2 Properties . 3.2.1 Stem-driven presence . 3.2.2 Lexically-marked absence . 3.3 Linking elements cross-linguistically . 3.4 Previous analyses . 3.5 Morphological status . 3.6. The parameter of overtly expressed paradigmatic inflection . 3.7 Position . 3.8 The morphological-category parameter . 3.9 Origin . 3.10 Summary . 3.11 References .- 4 Stress and morphological structure . 4.1 Introduction . 4.2 The type of inflection . 4.3 The position of stress . 4.4 Special categories . 4.4.1 Verbal compounds . 4.4.2 Compounds ending in a derived item . 4.4.3 Neuters in -i . 4.5 More compound structures . 4.6 Recursion in compounding . 4.7 Summary . 4.8 References .- 5. Headedness and classification . 5.1 Introduction . 5.2 Classification . 5.3 Headedness . 5.3.1 The notion of head . 5.3.2 Position . 5.3.3 Exocentricity . 5.4 Summary . 5.5 References .- 6. Constraints, allomorphy and form of constituents . 6.1 Introduction . 6.2 The Bare-stem constraint . 6.3 Apparent counter-examples . 6.3.1 Allomorphy . 6.3.2 Allomorphy in compounding . 6.4 Allomorphs of Ancient Greek origin . 6.4.1 Compound types . 6.4.2 -learned compound constituents . 6.4.3. +learned compound constituents . 6.4.4 Mixed types . 6.5 Summary . 6.6 References .- 7. Coordinative compounds . 7.1 Introduction . 7.2 What is a coordinative compound? . 7.3 Classification . 7.4 Headedness . 7.5 Historical development . 7.6 Coordinative compounds in Modern Greek dialects . 7.7 Summary . 7.8 References .- 8. Verbal and deverbal compounds . 8.1 Introduction . 8.2 Categories . 8.2.1 Exocentric formations . 8.2.2 Endocentric formations . 8.3 Compound-internal theta-role saturation . 8.4 Configurations . 8.5 Meaning . 8.6 Summary . 8.7 References .- 9. Deverbal compounds with bound stems . 9.1 Introduction . 9.2 State of the art . 9.3 Compounds or derived words? . 9.4 Grammatical category of bound stems . 9.5 Headedness and restrictions . 9.6 Productivity . 9.7 Summary . 9.8 References .- 10. Compounding versus derivation and inflection . 10.1 Introduction . 10.2 Compounding versus derivation . 10.2.1 Order of application . 10.2.2 Affixoids . 10.3 Compounding versus inflection . 10.4 Summary 10.5 References .- 11. Compounds versus phrases . 11.1 Introduction . 11.2 Properties of NPs . 11.3 Properties of compounds . 11.4 Phrasal compounds . 11.5 Phrasal-compound like phrases .11.6 Constructs . 11.7 Phrasal compounds versus syntactic formations . 11.8 Summary . 11.9 References .- Appendix I Greek: a brief history . 1. Periodization . 2. Geography - Dialectal variation . 3. References .- Appendix II Greek inflection: an overview . 1. Verbal inflection . 2. Nominal inflection . 3. References .- Appendix III List of compounds .- Subject Index

Compounding in Modern Greek

Compounds are generally divided in those that involve a dependency (subordinate and attributive) relation of one constituent upon the other and those where there is coordination, for which there is much controversy on delimiting the exact borders. This article offers an overview of compounds belonging to the second type, for which the term ‘coordinative’ is adopted, as more general and neutral, drawn from a wide range of terms that have been proposed in the literature. It attempts to provide a definition on the basis of structural and semantic criteria, describes the major features of coordinative compounds and discusses crucial issues that play a significant role to their formation and meaning, such as those of headedness, the order of constituents, and compositionality. Showing that languages vary with respect to the frequency and types of coordinative compounds, being unclear in which way these constructions are distributed and used cross-linguistically, it tries to give a classification with extensive exemplification from genetically and typologically diverse languages.

Coordination in Compounds

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Compounding in modern standard Arabic, Jordanian Arabic and English

We compare Modern Greek nominal compounds to their Turkish counterparts and reveal that Modern Greek nominal compounds under investigation are morphological while Turkish ones are syntactically built. Based on this, we offer an explanation for the availability of phrasal compounds in Turkish but not in Modern Greek: phrase-level items can be involved in syntactic compounds, but not in morphological compounds involving solely morphological items. The study reveals that the locus of compound formation is not confined to a single module both cross-linguistically and within a language, but the locus of a specific type of compound in a language entails whether or not phrasal compounds with the same compound structure can also occur in that specific language.

Phrasal vs. morphological compounds: Insights from Modern Greek and Turkish

Η παρούσα διατριβή eξeτάζeι την έννοια κeφαλή (head) στο eπίπeδο της Μορφολογίας
και της Λeξικής Σημασιολογίας μe έμφαση στα eξής τρία eρωτήματα: (α) ορισμός, (β) θέση, και (γ) παρουσία και απουσία κeφαλής σe μορφολογικούς σχηματισμούς.

Συνοπτικά οι βασικές προτάσeις σχeτικά μe την έννοια της κeφαλής eίναι οι eξής:

(α) Αρκeτές από τις έννοιeς μe τις οποίeς έχeι ταυτιστeί η κeφαλή, όπως ο υποκατηγοριοποιητής, δeν eίναι σχeτικές μe την ασυμμeτρία κeφαλής-μη κeφαλής.
(β) η κeφαλή πρέπeι να ταυτιστeί μe τον κατηγοριακό καθοριστή σe eπίπeδο μορφολογίας και μe τον οντολογικό καθοριστή σe eπίπeδο λeξικής σημασιολογίας. 
(γ) Η eφαρμογή της έννοιας κeφαλή στο σχηματισμό σημασιολογικά πολύπλοκων σχηματισμών δeίχνeι ότι η κλίση, η προθηματοποίηση, και η αξιολογική μορφολογία, οι οποίeς δeν φέρουν ορίσματα, πρέπeι να αναλυθούν μe βάση το μηχανισμό της υπόταξης λeιτουργιών χωρίς την προσθήκη eνδeίκτη. Η πρόταση αυτή έχeι eπιπτώσeις στον τρόπο μe τον οποίο ταξινομούνται τα μορφήματα σe eπίπeδο λeξικής σημασιολογίας.
(δ) Όσον αφορά στη θέση της κeφαλής, το φαινόμeνο της ύπαρξης αριστeρόστροφων συνθέτων στην Κατωιταλική δeν πρέπeι να μeλeτάται ανeξάρτητα από το ίδιο φαινόμeνο το οποίο eμφανίζeται τόσο σe άλλeς διαλέκτους, όσο και σe προηγούμeνeς eξeλικτικές φάσeις.
(e) Η μορφολογία δeν χeιρίζeται μόνο ασυμμeτρικές σχέσeις, καθώς η σeιρά των μορφημάτων υπόκeιται σe αλλαγές.
(στ) Από διαχρονική σκοπιά, η σeιρά των συστατικών στα σύνθeτα μπορeί να μην eίναι απόλυτα eλeύθeρη, καθώς φαίνeται να eπηρeάζeται από τον τομέα της σύνταξης.
(ζ) Σχeτικά μe την απουσία κeφαλής, η ανάλυση των eξωκeντρικών συνθέτων δeίχνeι ότι τέτοιοι σχηματισμοί eίναι δομικά παράδοξα τα οποία συνδυάζουν σύνθeση και παραγωγή.

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Headedness in Word Formation and Lexical Semantics: evidence from Italiot and Cypriot

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Revisiting exocentricity in compounding: Evidence from Greek and Cypriot*

This paper offers a detailed investigation of bahuvrihi compounds in Greek with a focus on their form and semantics. First, we present a classification of bahuvrihis according to the lexical category of the compound structure and the lexical category of the compound members and we provide examples of the rarest attested type, that is, verbal bahuvrihis (e.g. kalozoizo < kal(i) ‘good’ zo(i) ‘life’, ‘to have a good life’). Second, we raise the question of where the meaning ‘having/to have X’ comes from in bahuvrihis. Based on the distinction between nominal, adjectival, and verbal bahuvrihis, we propose that the former type should be accounted for by metonymy, whereas the latter two types, that is, adjectival and verbal bahuvrihis should be analyzed as “extended bahuvrihis” in that they combine compounding and derivation in this particular order. As such, adjectival and verbal bahuvrihis can be better understood if we examine the relation between compounding and derivation.

Form and Meaning of Bahuvrihi Compounds: Evidence from Modern Greek and Its Dialects

In this contribution, I offer a summary of my 2014 Ph.D. dissertation from the University of Patras on headedness in word formation and lexical semantics.

Headedness in Word Formation and Lexical Semantics: Evidence from Italiot and Cypriot (University of Patras, 2014)

In this study, we investigate the semantic properties of the negative prefixes in- and dis- in Lieber’s formal framework of lexical semantics. First, we provide a descriptive analysis of these prefixes with a focus on the bases they combine with and the type of negation they contribute in each case. In particular, the two prefixes deliver contrary (e.g. inelastic, dishonest) and contradictory (e.g. inanimate, disengaged) readings on adjectives and privative meanings, i.e. ‘lack of X/without X’ (e.g. inexperience, disanalogy), on nouns. On verbs, the prefix dis- instantiates standard negative (e.g. disagree), reversative (e.g. disconnect), and pejorative (e.g. dishear) meanings. Second, we propose a formalization of the way the skeletal part of in- and dis- interacts with the skeleton of the bases the two prefixes attach to.

Marios Andreou

Papers

Revisiting exocentricity in compounding: Evidence from Greek and Cypriot*

Form and Meaning of Bahuvrihi Compounds: Evidence from Modern Greek and Its Dialects

Headedness in Word Formation and Lexical Semantics: Evidence from Italiot and Cypriot (University of Patras, 2014)

Lexical negation in lexical semantics: the prefixes in - and dis -

Greek in Enclave Communities: Language Maintenance of the Varieties of Cypriot Romeika in Cyprus and Cretan Greek in Cunda, Turkey