This Working Paper series presents papers in a preliminary form and serves to stimulate comment and discussion. The views expressed are entirely the author's own and not that Studies i The Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS) was established in July 1996 as an autonomous research institute within the Nanyang Technological University. Its objectives are to: • Conduct research on security, strategic and international issues. • Provide general and graduate education in strategic studies, international relations, defence management and defence technology. • Promote joint and exchange programmes with similar regional and international institutions; organise seminars/conferences on topics salient to the strategic and policy communities of the Asia-Pacific. Research Through its Working Paper Series, IDSS Commentaries and other publications, the Institute seeks to share its research findings with the strategic studies and defence policy communities. The Institute's researchers are also encouraged to publish their writings in refereed journals. The focus of research is on issues relating to the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific region and their implications for Singapore and other countries in the region. The Institute has also established the S. Rajaratnam Professorship in Strategic Studies (named after Singapore's first Foreign Minister), to bring distinguished scholars to participate in the work of the Institute. Previous holders of the Chair include Professors Teaching The Institute provides educational opportunities at an advanced level to professionals from both the private and public sectors in Singapore and overseas through the Master of Science in Strategic Studies and Master of Science in International Relations programmes. These programmes are conducted full-time and part-time by an international faculty from July each year. The Institute also has a Doctorate programme in Strategic Studies/International Relations. In 2004, it will introduce a new Master of Science in International Political Economy programme. In addition to these graduate programmes, the Institute also teaches various modules in courses conducted by the Singapore Technologies College and the Defence, Home Affairs and Foreign Ministries. The Institute also runs a one-semester course on 'The International Relations of the Asia Pacific' for undergraduates in NTU. Networking The Institute convenes workshops, seminars and colloquia on aspects of international relations and security development which are of contemporary and historical significance. Highlights of the Institute's activities include a regular Colloquium on Strategic Trends in the 21 st Century, the annual Asia Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers and the biennial Asia Pacific Security Conference (held in conjunction with …

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Testing alternative responses to power preponderance : buffering, binding, bonding and beleaguering in the real world

“Rising nationalism” has been a major meme in commentary on the development of China’s material power since the early 1990s. Analysts often claim that rising nationalism, especially among China’s youth, is an important force compelling the Chinese leadership to take a tougher stand on a range of foreign policy issues, particularly maritime disputes in East Asia. The rising nationalism meme is one element in the “newly assertive China” narrative that generalizes from China’s coercive diplomacy in these disputes to claim that a dissatisaed China is challenging a U.S.-dominated liberal international order writ large. But is this meme accurate? Generally, research on Chinese nationalism has lacked a baseline against which to measure changing levels of nationalism across time. The data from the Beijing Area Study survey of Beijing residents from 1998 to 2015 suggest that the rising popular nationalism meme is empirically inaccurate. This anding implies that there are other factors that may be more important in explaining China’s coercive diplomacy on maritime issues, such as elite opinion, the personal preferences of top leaders, security dilemma dynamics, organizational interests, or some combination thereof.

Is Chinese Nationalism Rising?: Evidence from Beijing

Culture has been neglected by researchers of intercultural communication. During the last decade, there have been scattered investigations of world regions and countries, and only Japan and the U.S. have been investigated in depth through multiple communication studies. Africa, S.E. Asia, Latin America, and Europe have been virtually ignored by intercultural researchers. Intracultural communication is described as a new research and teaching direction for the 90s.

The centrality of culture

East Asia has increased its formal institutional linkages in both the economic and security arenas. This article addresses three questions concerning this expansion. First, why has the number of institutions increased? Second, why is there so little overlap in the purposes and memberships of these many new bodies? Third, why have most regional institutions achieved such limited policy successes? The article demonstrates that the bulk of the new economic institutions represent collective responses to generalized pressures from globalized finance, whereas the new security bodies deal with regionally endogenous problems of a highly particularistic character. Furthermore, most regional bodies in East Asia still reflect the preeminence of individual state strategies rather than any collective predisposition toward multilateralism per se. East Asian regionalism thus represents a complex “ecosystem” of institutions whose future is likely to see the enhancement of some and the diminution of others through a process referred to here as “institutional Darwinism.”

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Soft Balancing, Hedging, and Institutional Darwinism: The Economic-Security Nexus and East Asian Regionalism

The study investigates the China-Pakistan relations in historical context applying into the theoretical framework of power transition theory in general and hard and soft power theory specifically and its implications on foreign policy of Pakistan. In fact, since the inception of Pakistan, Pakistan had always been in search of security because of its geo-strategic situation and external pressures. Further, the study addresses that how the international scenario and outward dynamics affected foreign policy of Pakistan. For example, during the Cold War era and USSR war in Afghanistan because of bipolar dimensions across the World, Pakistan had to tilt towards Western allies to protect state sovereignty and maintain the integrity of its citizens. One thing that proved very true that Pakistan always desired to join those allies who always committed to preserve state from external enemies. The study spotlights that how the changing global episodes since the event of 9/11 altered Pakistan’s foreign policy choices. Meanwhile, Pakistan decided to strengthen its ties with rising power of China. Despite Pakistan’s constant contribution in the war on terrorism, it had been considered as a state of ‘safe Haven’ for terrorists and did not able to attain the confidence of its Western allies. By the times, Pakistan’s overseas strategy slanted towards the Chinese foreign policy goals of influencing the World with the image of a soft power. Likewise, the social and cultural relations enabled to gain the psychological confidence of Pakistan and its people by enhancing people to people relations. The dissertation draws extensively on the declassified official records to prove the theoretical and empirical contribution of this study that how far bilateral and political relations turned the shape of economic to geo-economic and taking the U-turn from geo-economic to geo-strategic ties between both states in the 21 Century.

http://prr.hec.gov.pk/jspui/bitstream/123456789/9750/1/iram%20naseer%20_UoP.pdf

A History of Pakistan-China Relations 1973-2013 Reappraisal

China's new assertiveness in the South China Sea has arisen from the growth of its military power, its ‘triumphalism’ in the wake of the Western financial crisis and its heightened nationalism. The other littoral states of the South China Sea have been troubled by the opacity of Chinese politics and of the process of military decision-making amid a proliferation of apparently separately controlled maritime forces. The more active role being played by the United States in the region, in part as a response to Chinese activism, has troubled Beijing. While most of the ASEAN states have welcomed America as a hedge against growing Chinese power, their economies have become increasingly dependent upon China and they don't want to be a party to any potential conflict between these two giants. The problem is that there is no apparent resolution to what the Chinese call, in effect, these ‘indisputable disputes’.

China's New Assertiveness in the South China Sea

Part 1: The Cold War 1945-1989 1. The Impact of the Cold War, and the Struggles for Independence, 1945-1954 2. The Application of Bipolarity, 1954-1970 3. The Period of Tripolarity, 1971-1989 4. The United States and the Asia Pacific 5. The Soviet Union/Russia and the Asia-Pacific 6. China and the Asia Pacific 7. Japan and the Asia Pacific Part 2: The Post-Cold War Period 8. The Era of American Pre-eminence Relations 9. The United States 10. China 11. Japan

The international politics of the Asia-Pacific

Part I: Introduction Chapter 1: International Relations in Asia: A Multidimensional Analysis David Shambaugh Part II: Legacies and Theories Chapter 2: The Evolving Asian System: Three Transformations Samuel S. Kim Chapter 3: Thinking Theoretically about Asian IR Amitav Acharya Part III: The Role of External Powers Chapter 4: The United States in Asia: Durable Leadership Robert Sutter Chapter 5: Europe's Role in Asia: Distant but Involved Sebastian Bersick Part IV: Regional Powers Chapter 6: China's Role in Asia: Attractive or Assertive? Phillip C. Saunders Chapter 7: India's Role in Asia: A Rising Regional Power T.V. Paul Chapter 8: Japan's Role in Asia: Searching for Certainty Michael Green Part V: Sub-Regional Actors Chapter 9: ASEAN and Southeast Asia: Remaining Relevant Sheldon W. Simon Chapter 10: Australia's Choices in the Asian Century Hugh White Chapter 11: Central Asia: The End of the "Great Game"? Martha Brill Olcott Chapter 12: The Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asian Stability Scott Snyder Part VI: Transregional Linkages and Dynamics Chapter 13: The Asian Regional Economy Edward J. Lincoln Chapter 14: Globalization and International Relations in Asia Nayan Chanda Chapter 15: Security Dynamics in East Asia Ralph A. Cossa Part VII: Conclusion Chapter 16: Looking Ahead: A New Asian Order? Michael Yahuda

International Relations of Asia

From about the middle of the 1990s China's leaders began to articulate a new concept of security that they called ‘cooperative security’, which was seen as more appropriate to the post-Cold War era than the more traditional military alliance systems. It sought to promote mutual trust and consultation as a means of addressing security problems between states that were neither adversaries nor friends. The new approach was better suited to a China that felt more comfortable about itself and its growing integration into international society. It involved a more proactive approach that was ready to take initiatives for the first time in multilateral settings. It also reflected current Chinese interests by seeking to reassure neighbours that they had little to fear and much to gain by the rising China in their midst and by implicitly dissuading them from participating in any significant attempt to contain China. But the new approach is not without its problems. It will need to show a greater readiness to pay at...

Chinese dilemmas in thinking about regional security architecture

Since the end of the Cold War China and Japan have faced each other as powers of relatively equal strength for the first time in their long history. As the two great powers of East Asia the way they both compete and cooperate with each other and the way they conduct their relations in the new era will play a big part in the evolution of the region as a whole. 
This textbook will explore in detail the ways in which politics has shaped the thinking about history and identity in both China and Japan and explain the role political leadership in each country has played in shaping their respective nationalisms. Michael Yahuda traces the evolution of the relationship over the two decades against the framework of a rising China gaining ground on a stagnant Japan and analyzes the politics of the economic interdependence between the two countries and their cooperation and competition in Southeast Asia and in its regional institutions. 
Concluding with an examination of the complexities of their strategic relations and an evaluation of the potentialities for conflict and co-existence between the two countries, this is an essential text for students and scholars of Sino-Japanese and East Asian International Relations

Michael Yahuda

Papers

China's New Assertiveness in the South China Sea

The international politics of the Asia-Pacific

International Relations of Asia

Chinese dilemmas in thinking about regional security architecture

Sino-Japanese Relations After the Cold War: Two Tigers Sharing a Mountain