Part I. Introduction: Developing a Regional Approach to Global Security: 1. Theories and histories about the structure of contemporary international security 2. Levels: distinguishing the regional from the global 3. Security complexes: a theory of regional security Part II. Asia: 4. South Asia: inching towards internal and external transformation 5. Northeast and southeast Asian security complexes during the Cold War 6. The 1990s and beyond: an emergent east Asian complex Conclusion Part III. The Middle East and Africa: Introduction 7. The Middle East: a perennial conflict formation 8. Sub-saharan Africa: security dynamics in a setting of weak and failed states Conclusions Part IV. The Americas: 9. North America: the sole superpower and its surroundings 10. South America: an under-conflictual anomaly? Conclusion: scenarios for the RSCs of the Americas Part V. The Europes: Introduction: 11. EU-Europe: the European Union and its 'near abroad' 12. The Balkans and Turkey 13. The post-Soviet space: a regional security complex around Russia Conclusion: scenarios for the European supercomplex Part VI. Conclusions: 14. Regions and powers: summing up and looking ahead 15. Reflections on conceptualising international security.

http://ndl.ethernet.edu.et/bitstream/123456789/3437/1/75.pdf

Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security

War and Change in World Politics

Therefore, the seeker after the truth is not one who studies the writings of the ancients and, following his natural disposition, puts his trust in them, but rather the one who suspects his faith in them and questions what he gathers from them, the one who submits to argument and demonstration, and not to the sayings of a human being whose nature is fraught with all kinds of imperfection and de‹ciency. Thus the duty of the man who investigates the writings of scientists, if learning the truth is his goal, is to make himself the enemy of all that he reads, and, applying his mind to the core and margins of its content, attack it from every side. He should also suspect himself as he performs his critical examination of it, so that he may avoid falling into either prejudice or leniency. (Ibn al-Haytham)1

국제정치이론 = Theory of international politics

pinnings of international relations in Asia are undergoing profound change, and the rise of China is a principal cause. Other causes include the relative decline of U.S. inouence and authority in Asia, the expanding normative inouence of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the growth of regional multilateral institutions, increased technological and economic interdependence throughout the region, and the amelioration of several formerly antagonistic bilateral relationships. As a result of these processes, the structure of power and the nature of the regional system are being fundamentally altered. China’s growing economic and military power, expanding political inouence, distinctive diplomatic voice, and increasing involvement in regional multilateral institutions are key developments in Asian affairs. China’s new proactive regional posture is reoected in virtually all policy spheres— economic, diplomatic, and military—and this parallels China’s increased activism on the global stage.1 Bilaterally and multilaterally, Beijing’s diplomacy has been remarkably adept and nuanced, earning praise around the region. As a result, most nations in the region now see China as a good neighbor, a constructive partner, a careful listener, and a nonthreatening regional power. This regional perspective is striking, given that just a few years ago, many of China’s neighbors voiced growing concerns about the possibility of China becoming a domineering regional hegemon and powerful military threat. Today these views are muted. China’s new conadence is also reoected in how it perceives itself, as it gradually sheds its dual identity of historical victim and object of great power manipulation. These phenomena have begun to attract

China Engages Asia: Reshaping the Regional Order

lations theory is inductively derived from the European experience of the past four centuries, during which Europe was the locus and generator of war, innovation, and wealth. According to Kenneth Waltz, “The theory of international politics is written in terms of the great powers of an era. It would be . . . ridiculous to construct a theory of international politics based on Malaysia and Costa Rica. . . . A general theory of international politics is necessarily based on the great powers.”1 If international relations theorists paid attention to other regions of the globe, it was to study subjects considered peripheral such as third world security or the behavior of small states.2 Accordingly, international relations scholarship has focused on explaining the European experience, including, for example, the causes of World Wars I and II, as well as the Cold War and U.S.-Soviet relations.3 Although this is still true, other parts of the world have become increasingly signiacant. Accordingly, knowledge of European Getting Asia Wrong

Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical Frameworks

Contributors A note on Thai and Vietnamese names Introduction Muthiah Alagappa Part I. Legitimacy: Explication and Elaboration: 1. The anatomy of legitimacy Muthiah Alagappa 2. The bases of legitimacy Muthiah Alagappa 3. Contestation and crisis Muthiah Alagappa Part II. Legitimacy: Case Studies: 4. Malaysia: aspects and audiences of legitimacy William Case 5. Singapore: political legitimacy through managing conformity Cho-Oon Khong 6. The Philippines: the languages of legitimation John T. Sidel 7. Burma: the depoliticization of the political Chaeo-Tzang Yawnghwe 8. Thailand: the evolution of legitimacy Saitip Sukatipan 9. Indonesia: historicizing the New Order's legitimacy dilemma Mochtar Pabottingi 10. Vietnam: the changing models of legitimation Thaveeporn Vasavakul Part III. Conclusion and Observations: 11. Seeking a more durable basis of authority Muthiah Alagappa Notes Bibliography Index.

Political legitimacy in Southeast Asia : the quest for moral authority

More than a decade has passed since the end of the Cold War, but Asia still faces serious security challenges. These include the current security environment in the Korean peninsula, across the Taiwan Strait, and over Kashmir, the danger of nuclear and missile proliferation, and the concern with the rising power of China and with American dominance. Indeed, some experts see Asia as a dangerous and unstable place. Alagappa disagrees, maintaining that Asia is a far more stable, predictable, and prosperous region than it was in the postindependence period. This volume also takes account of the changed security environment in Asia since September 11, 2001. Unlike many areas-studies approaches, Alagappa's work makes a strong case for taking regional politics and security dynamics seriously from both theoretical and empirical approaches. The first part of this volume develops an analytical framework for the study of order; the salience of the different pathways to order is examined in the second part; the third investigates the management of specific security issues; and the final part discusses the nature of security order in Asia.

Asian Security Order: Instrumental and Normative Features

This far-ranging volume offers both a broad overview of the role of the military in contemporary Asia and a close look at the state of civil-military relations in sixteen Asian countries It provides in-depth discussion of civil-military relations in countries where the military still continues to dominate the political helm as well as others where, in varying degrees, the military is disengaging from politics Conceptually, the study connects the explanation for the changing relationship of the military to the state to the processes associated with the construction of nation, state, and political system, as well as the development of state capacity, economic growth, and change in the international system The book argues that the key to understanding civil-military relations in Asia and elsewhere is the role of coercion, in state and nation building and in the exercise of political authority As coercion in these processes increases or decreases, so does the political power and influence of the military Civilian supremacy requires superior political, ideational, moral, and economic power translated into strong institutions that can regulate the military and limit its role in governance A key finding of the volume is that, overall, the political power and influence of the military in Asia, though still considerable in some countries, is on the decline At present only Burma and Pakistan are under military rule, though the military is the central pillar of the totalitarian regime in North Korea The number of Asian countries under civilian rule has increased dramatically However, the relationship between the state and the soldier is not a settled issue, and in democratizing countries, civil-military relations is still a contested domain that is being redefined incrementally, often through struggle The study concludes that, in the long term, the power of the military will continue to decline, and that the growing dominance of democratic civilian control in Asia is likely to endure

Coercion and governance : the declining political role of the military in Asia

Preface Contributors Introduction Part I. Conceptual and Historical Perspectives: 1. Rethinking security: a critical review and appraisal of the debate Muthiah Alagappa 2. International politics in Asia: the historical context Muthiah Alagappa Part II. Security Practice: Country Studies: 3. China: security practice of a modernizing and ascending power Wu Xinbo 4. India: modified structuralism Kanti Bajpai 5. Japan: normative constraints versus structural imperatives Yoshihide Soeya 6. North Korea: deterrence through danger David Kang 7. South Korea: recasting security paradigms Chung-in Moon 8. Taiwan: in the dragon's shadow Roger Cliff 9. Bangladesh: a weak state and power Iftekharuzzaman 10. Pakistan: the crisis within Samina Ahmed 11. Sri Lanka: the many faces of security Nira Wickramasinghe 12. Myanmar: preoccupation with regime survival, national security Panitan Wattanayagorn 14. Vietnam: struggle and cooperation Kim Ninh 15. Indonesea: domestic priorities define national security Dewi Fortuna Anwar 16. Malaysia: reinventing the nation K. S. Nathan 17. The Philippines: state versus society? Noel M. Morada and Christopher Collier 18. Singapore: realist cum trading state Narayanan Ganesan Part III. Conclusion: 19. Asian practice of security: key features and explanations Muthiah Alagappa 20. Conceptualizing security: hierarchy and conceptual travelling Muthiah Alagappa Notes Bibliography Index.

Asian Security Practice: Material and Ideational Influences

The reordering of the international system in the absence of a hegemonic war has revitalized the debate on the nature of international politics, and the continued relevance of the realist paradigm.(2) Critics of the realist paradigm contend that as survival has ceased to be a problem for more developed states, they no longer search consistently for relative gains. Their behavior now can only be understood in the context of international institutions that both constrain states and make their actions intelligible to others.(3) Indeed, some argue that multilateral norms and institutions have made significant contributions toward stabilizing the peaceful transformation of the international system, and that they are likely to become increasingly important in the management of change at the regional and global levels.(4) Multilateralism may or may not supplant the self-help approach and become the dominant mode of interaction among states; there is little doubt, however, that its relevance will further increase, as indicated by the important role of international organizations in post-cold War era conflict resolution.(5) This article will examine the effectiveness and limitations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in coping with the Cambodian conflict.(6) An international accord ending the 13-year-old conflict was signed at a U.N.-sponsored peace conference in Paris in October 1991. Although involving states external to the Association, the conflict threatened the security of at least one ASEAN member and also affected the security of the Southeast Asian region as a whole. As ASEAN has frequently been cited as one of the more successful Third World regional organizations, an investigation of its role and effectiveness in the Cambodian conflict should provide valuable insight into the security roles of regional organizations in general. Current interest in security regionalism may be traced to two major developments. First, the lifting of the Cold War overlay has removed the integrating dynamic and increased the discontinuity between the global system and regional subsystems. Combined with increasing resource constraints, the major powers may no longer have the interest or the capability to become involved in regional conflicts as in the past. While conflicts like the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait may evoke prompt and substantive response, others less consequential to their interests may not. This could shift the burden of addressing regional problems to local states; but it also presents them with the opportunity to gain greater control over their regional environment. Second, the end of the Cold War has invigorated the U.N. Security Council's role of maintaining international peace and security, which could also strengthen the security function of regional organizations. In a report prepared on the instruction of the Security Council summit meeting, Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali stated: ... In this new era of opportunity, regional arrangements or agencies can render great service ... the Security Council has and will continue to have primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, but regional action as a matter of decentralization, delegation and cooperation with the United Nations could not only lighten the burden of the Council, but also contribute to a deeper sense of participation, consensus and democratization in international affairs.(7) Longer-term developments have also made regionalism more attractive to developing states, including their growing political maturity, and the perceived potential of regionalism to promote their economic development and to mitigate their disadvantaged position in the international system.(8) This is not to argue that regionalism will mushroom in every part of the globe. Rather, the general conditions at the systemic and unit levels are becoming more favorable, and the security regionalism option is likely to receive greater attention from the international community. …

Muthiah Alagappa

Papers

Political legitimacy in Southeast Asia : the quest for moral authority

Asian Security Order: Instrumental and Normative Features

Coercion and governance : the declining political role of the military in Asia

Asian Security Practice: Material and Ideational Influences

Regionalism and the Quest for Security: ASEAN and the Cambodian Conflict