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Red skin, white masks: Rejecting the colonial politics of recognition

Piscataway people Wikipedia Sat, 29 Dec 2018 13:04:00 GMT The three Piscataway tribal leaders representing the Piscataway Indian Nation and Tayac Territory, Piscataway-Conoy Tribe of Maryland, and Cedarville Band of Piscataway receiving official state tribal recognition from the State of Maryland in 2012 posing with Catholic clergyman and Maryland Governor Martin O'Malley Louis Riel Wikipedia Fri, 28 Dec 2018 18:56:00 GMT MBR: Reviewer's Bookwatch, November 2017 Gates of Vienna Thu, 27 Dec 2018 20:08:00 GMT As a follow-up to Tuesday’s post about the majority-minority public schools in Oslo, the following brief account reports the latest statistics on the cultural enrichment of schools in Austria. Vienna is the most fully enriched location, and seems to be in roughly the same situation as Oslo. Many thanks to Hermes for the translation from Unzensuriert.at: Free books on Islam in pdf format Fri, 28 Dec 2018 02:49:00 GMT This is a very interesting book that shows the beautiful names of Allah with a simple and concise meaning It also mentions the evidence of each name with showing how many times it is mentioned in the Quran and the Sunnah. Nutrition and Physical Degeneration Tue, 25 Dec 2018 23:53:00 GMT TABLE OF CONTENTS . PREFACE. THE gracious reception given to my several reports of field studies among primitive racial groups and the many requests for copies of those brief reports and for further data, together with the need for providing interpretations and applications of the data, have induced me to consolidate my investigations.There have also been many requests from my patients and ...

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Exalted Subjects: Studies in the Making of Race and Nation in Canada

Mohawk Interruptus: Political Life Across the Borders of Settler States Audra Simpson, Durham: Duke University Press, 2014.Audra Simpson's book, Mohawk Interruptus, is an achievement of scholarship. It delivers what it promises, has a strong authorial voice that is both in keeping with rigorous academic prose and that is easily understandable by a wide readership. Her examples are rich, engaging, and accessible. She combines sophisticated theoretical analysis with rich ethnographic detail, making for a challenging but enjoyable read. Her stories, I imagine, would resonate with individuals inside and outside the communities she renders visible, quite deliberately foregrounding her ethical relation to the Mohawks of Kahnawa:ke. The stories she shares are clear, poignant, respectful, and at times simultaneously humorous and horrifying. Simpson seemingly effortlessly weaves her own embodied subjectivity, with rich ethnography, political theory, and compelling narrative in this excellent, robust, and nuanced study.Simpson makes three claims in this book: (1) "sovereignty may exist within sovereignty," and that such nested sovereignty has implications for the seemingly settled conditions of settler colonialism (p. 10-11); (2) there exists an alternative to "recognition" which is "refusal"; (3) hitherto this point, and as a result of their Western, institutional, and statist forms of analysis (p. 11), neither political theory nor anthropology have offered the conceptual tools required to make sense of Indigenous politics and their challenge to settler colonialism (p. 177). Simpson makes Mstrong arguments to support these claims throughout the book, presenting interruption and refusal as political forms and strategies, ultimately achieving what she sets out to do. Throughout her work, Simpson offers some compelling conceptual tools that launch a rigorous challenge to historical and contemporary forms of anthropology.Using the three signposts of "membership" (p. 13), "detention and recognition" (p. 18), and "refusing to play the game" (p. 25), Simpson deftly navigates the reader through her argument. Her argument builds methodically, and for this reason I structure my review in a way that mirrors the arc of her argumentation. She first maps a genealogy of history and context to orient the reader, she admits in a partial and event-driven way, to Kahnawa:ke (Chapter 2). She does this particularly to signal that the territorial history shapes the complex questions of membership that she later tracks throughout the monograph. This context is essential to her third claim: to make sense of the complexities of membership in Indigenous communities, conceptual tools that account for histories of colonialism and the ongoing dispossession upon which settler states are premised and maintained are required.Simpson moves to construct her ethnography of refusal (Chapter 4), arguing that if "we take this historical form of ethnological representation into account, we might then be able to come up with techniques of representation that move away from 'difference' and its containment, from the ethnological formalism and fetishism" (p. 97) that she describes in Chapter 3. In her articulation of ethnographic refusal, Simpson offers both a theoretical and experiential ethics of refusal in her writing, indicating her purposeful inclusion and refusal in the context of ongoing dispossession and colonialism. This is a deeply political and ethical move, in keeping with the refusals and interruptions that she documents throughout the monograph. This refusal is buttressed by her exploration of the "ethnographic limit" of her research and writing, punctuated by her questions to herself that guide the arrival at enough: "Can I do this and still come home; what am I revealing here and why? …

Mohawk Interruptus: Political Life across the Borders of Settler States

The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History

In Wasase: Indigenous Pathways of Action and Freedom, Taiaiake Alfred develops a political theory, rooted in Indigenous experience, in which he calls for Indigenous peoples’ self-determination. In ...

Wasáse: Indigenous pathways of action and freedom

. This article maps how Canadian political science has considered and shaped the logic of “identity” across the institutional, societal and governance dimensions of this disciplinary subfield. Focusing on the ubiquitous analytic absence of “race” in the mainstream literature, this article argues that mainstream Canadian political science reproduces a logic that limits the conversation to particular dimensions of ‘identity’ (‘identity’ as a basis of political action, a collective phenomenon denoting sameness and a core aspect of individual/collective selfhood) at the expense of others (‘identity’ as a product of social or political action, a product of multiple and competing discourses and a governmentality). In addition to this logic of ‘identity’, eight methodological tendencies in the mainstream literature further impede analyses of ‘race’. By challenging these methodological tendencies, abandoning ‘identity’ as an analytic category and reflecting on the consequences of deactivating and erasing ‘race’, Canadian political scientists may become better equipped to interrogate the operating logic of ‘identity’, to substantively incorporate ‘race’ as a conceptual, analytic and explanatory device, and perhaps most critically, begin to redefine the canon.Resume. Cet article retrace la maniere dont la science politique canadienne a considere et faconne la logique de «l'identite» dans certaines dimensions particulieres de cette discipline, soit celles des institutions, de la societe et de la gouvernance. En se concentrant sur l'absence predominante du concept de «race» dans les analyses de la litterature conventionnelle, l'article soutient que la science politique canadienne dans la ligne du courant dominant reproduit une logique qui limite la conversation a certaines dimensions de «l'identite» (soit «l'identite» en tant que base de l'action politique, en tant que phenomene denotant l'uniformite et en tant qu'aspect essentiel du moi individuel ou collectif) au detriment des autres (soit «l'identite» en tant que produit de l'action politique ou sociale, produit de discours multiples et rivaux, et gouvernementalite). Outre cette logique de «l'identite», huit tendances methodologiques de la litterature conventionnelle entravent davantage les analyses de la «race». En contestant ces tendances methodologiques, en abandonnant «l'identite» en tant que categorie analytique et en reflechissant aux consequences de la desactivation et de l'effacement de la «race», les politicologues canadiens pourraient devenir mieux equipes pour interroger la logique operante de «l'identite», pour incorporer la «race» de maniere substantielle en tant que dispositif conceptuel, analytique et explicatif, et peut-etre le plus important, pour commencer a redefinir le canon.

Defining Narratives of Identity in Canadian Political Science: Accounting for the Absence of Race

In light of the Canadian Journal of Political Science (CJPS) self-reflexive “50th Anniversary” issue on the state of Canadian political science (CPS), this article maps the discipline's engagement with intersectional anti-oppression scholarship. Analyzing abstracts in CJPS and the Canadian Political Science Review, we argue while these journals—and mainstream CPS more generally—tackle questions of diversity, there remains a gap between conversations recognized in these particular forums and the incorporation of what we term an intersectional anti-oppression lens. In its deconstruction of systems of power and privilege, we explore analytic and pedagogical possibilities this lens presents for mainstream CPS.

The Future of Canadian Political Science: Boundary Transgressions, Gender and Anti-Oppression Frameworks

In this piece, we ask, what are the risks of a pedagogy and politics that begins and ends with privilege? What does it mean to declare privilege when embedded in institutions of the settler colonial state? These questions are raised through an ongoing project where we interview provincial public sector workers on Treaty 6, 7 and 8 (Alberta, Canada) and Coast Salish Territories (British Columbia, Canada) about their implications in settler colonialism through public sector work. In the project, we articulate the interdisciplinary framework of settler colonial socialization to consider the space between individuals and structures – the meso-space where settlers are made by learning how to take up the work of settler colonialism. For these reasons, in our research we ask, “what do the pedagogical processes of settler colonial socialization tell us about how systemic colonial violence is sustained, and how it might be disrupted or refused in public sector work?” In this paper, we narrow our focus to the declarations of privilege that many of our interview participants are making. We reflect on these declarations and consider whether focusing on settler complicity and Indigenous refusals can better support a decolonial politics for settlers working in the public sector. We argue that declarations of privilege risk reproducing settler-centric logics that maintain settler colonialism, settler jurisdiction, and settler certainty, and we reflect on how to orient participants (and ourselves) towards the material realization of relational accountability and towards imagining otherwise.

https://journals.library.brocku.ca/index.php/SSJ/article/download/2648/2741

Settler Colonial Socialization in Public Sector Work: Moving from Privilege to Complicity

What does it mean to intervene in antiracist interviews with public sector workers? What do interventions look like in research seeking to name complicity in settler colonial violence and imagine otherwise relationships between non-Indigenous and Indigenous people? How might we methodologically define interventions and their pedagogical purpose(s)? In this paper, we share our experience of adopting a dual-pedagogical antiracist interventive research methodology in our qualitative research with public sector workers on settler colonial socialization. Building on antiracist interventive interviewing method, we map out our conceptualization of interventions as multidirectional and multiscalar. We narrate how we see interventions as dual pedagogical moments of disruption and possibility occurring at three scales, where we intervene to support our participants’ learning and they intervene to support ours. Our approach is illuminated through illustrations from our transcribed data of virtual interviews with 32 public sector workers in BC ( n = 23) and Alberta ( n = 9), and through our reflections on our research process. Our analysis demonstrates that interventions have three key effects. First, they are generatively disruptive in that they offer better access to understanding processes of settler colonial socialization. Second, interventions create junctures for antiracist and anticolonial learning. Third, interventions with participants open up opportunities to imagine otherwise beyond the strictures of settler colonialism, and orient towards anticolonial praxis rooted in recognition of Indigenous sovereignties. We conclude with a vocabulary of interventions meant to offer other qualitative researchers possibilities for how to intervene to better access and disrupt sites of deep colonizing.

Antiracist Interventive Interviewing: Subverting Colonial Interventions with Public Sector Workers

Panel Honouring the late Dr. Gülden Özcan, University of Lethbridge, Women Scholars’ Speaker Series

Nisha Nath

Papers

Defining Narratives of Identity in Canadian Political Science: Accounting for the Absence of Race

The Future of Canadian Political Science: Boundary Transgressions, Gender and Anti-Oppression Frameworks

Settler Colonial Socialization in Public Sector Work: Moving from Privilege to Complicity

Antiracist Interventive Interviewing: Subverting Colonial Interventions with Public Sector Workers

Honoring Gülden Özcan