Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 2018"

Contextualizing the Crisis: The Framing of Syrian Refugees in Canadian Print Media

Abstract: This project examines the framing of the Syrian refugee crisis in Canadian print media from January 1, 2012, to December 31, 2016, in eight English-language major dailies. Using automated coding to uncover central themes in the coverage, this analysis explores the changes in news frames over the course of the conflict and the concomitant federal election in Canada, as well as across regional and national news sources. The results indicate that the conflict frame dominates the coverage of Syrian refugees in the pre-election period but shifts markedly following the release of the iconic Alan Kurdi photo toward a more humanizing depiction of refugee families and their resettlement. This analysis speaks to the importance of news media in reflecting and reproducing depictions of refugees among the Canadian public, highlighting the value of examining changes in the portrayals of refugees over time and across news outlets.

Framed: Media and the Coverage of Race in Canadian Politics Erin Tolley Vancouver: UBC Press, 2016, pp. 264.

Abstract: le mérite de problématiser la notion de Canadien-français de la capitale fédérale pour penser la francophonie minoritaire. Si ce livre s’intéresse au changement dans ses multiples expressions (12), des conséquences et des tensions constituantes ou résultantes des Canadiens-français dans la région d’Ottawa, la fin de la première section ouvre tout un pan de recherche qui aurait mérité être un livre en soi. En effet, elle traite des rapprochements avec d’autres expériences minoritaires qui frottent une plaie encore vive. Rappelons avec Caroline Ramirez que lors du réaménagement de la rue Saint-Patrick et l’expropriation de 80 familles, des habitants avaient scandé « Acadie! Acadie! insinuant que l’urbanisation était une arme pour servir à la dispersion des Canadiens-français » (Le Droit, 6 mai 1972, p. 5, cité p. 73). En effet, et depuis les années 1980 en particulier, l’augmentation du nombre de francophones dans la région de la capitale nationale projette une ombre multiple à l’Autre décrit par Jean Bouthilliette en d’autres temps (Le Canadien français et son double, 1989, réédité en 2018). Le Canadien-français n’a plus un seul double mais plusieurs... De même, le francophone ontarien relève de multiples héritages. De qui est faite la communauté ? Ottawa lieu de vie français permet certaines généralisations des études quantitatives mais permet aussi, et c’est sa grande force, de prendre en compte la richesse et la complexité des études qualitatives, surtout lorsque les auteurs se permettent d’interroger la sémantique (capitale, référence, identité, francophone). En effet, les analyses combinées permettent de lire quelque chose comme une configuration de causes et d’effets, de volonté en dépit des agressions subies, des régressions, des évolutions, des mutations et des changements. Cependant, au moment où nous lisons ce livre et écrivons ces pages, l’École de traduction de l’université d’Ottawa vient d’annoncer le démantèlement de la section française de son programme de doctorat (Charles Le Blanc, Le Droit, 2 avril 2018). À quand une université francophone en Ontario ? C’est une des nombreuses questions qui restent ouvertes une fois cet imposant ouvrage refermé.

Is the Parti Québécois Bound to Disappear? A Study of the Current Generational Dynamics of Electoral Behaviour in Quebec

Abstract: In Quebec, the setback of the Parti Quebecois (PQ) in the last 2014 provincial election testifies of a continuous decline of the party since the 1995 referendum defeat. With now only 25 per cent of vote shares, the question arises: Is the PQ bound to disappear? This article examines the support for the PQ across different generations, and tests explanations for these varying levels of support. The results show that the attitudinal profile of millennials is particularly distinct from that of baby boomers on several dimensions, but that generation X is not so different from the boomers. We demonstrate that the decline of the PQ in 2014 was mostly concentrated among millennials, who were less inclined to see the project of sovereignty as a priority and less likely to support the incumbent PQ government's controversial proposal to adopt a Charter of Quebec Values. We conclude by examining how the results of the study can shed light on the PQ's future prospects.

The Future of Canadian Political Science: Boundary Transgressions, Gender and Anti-Oppression Frameworks

Abstract: In light of the Canadian Journal of Political Science (CJPS) self-reflexive “50th Anniversary” issue on the state of Canadian political science (CPS), this article maps the discipline's engagement with intersectional anti-oppression scholarship. Analyzing abstracts in CJPS and the Canadian Political Science Review, we argue while these journals—and mainstream CPS more generally—tackle questions of diversity, there remains a gap between conversations recognized in these particular forums and the incorporation of what we term an intersectional anti-oppression lens. In its deconstruction of systems of power and privilege, we explore analytic and pedagogical possibilities this lens presents for mainstream CPS.

Beyond Nationalism and Regionalism: The Stability of Economic Voting in Canada

Abstract: Previous research has argued that while economic voting is quite consistently found to be an important mechanism in the rest of Canada, it is rather weak in Quebec. Guerin and Nadeau (1998) have demonstrated that whether or not citizens in Quebec vote economically depends on the party system. Following their lead, we expect that the presence of a dominant regionalist party in Quebec after 1993 (the Bloc Quebecois) inhibited Quebeckers from voting economically. However, our results do not offer evidence for this hypothesis. Furthermore, we find only weak evidence of economic voting being moderated by voters’ attitudes towards Quebec independence. Our study hence suggests that the impact of economic accountability in Canada is not hindered by a strong regional party or by the salience of the issue of Quebec independence. The economic vote, it seems, is more stable and general than it is regularly argued to be.

In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government

Abstract: The majority of Canada's women premiers were selected to that office while their parties held government. This is uncommon, both in the comparative literature and among premiers who are men. What explains this gendered selection pattern to Canada's provincial premiers’ offices? This paper explores the most common explanation found in the comparative literature for women's emergence as leaders of electorally competitive parties and as chief political executives: women are more likely to be selected when that party is in crisis or decline. Using the population of women provincial premiers in Canada as case studies, evidence suggests three of eight women premiers were selected to lead parties in government that were in crisis or decline; a fourth was selected to lead a small, left-leaning party as predicted by the literature. However, for half of the women premiers, evidence of their party's decline is partial or inconclusive. As a result of this exploration, more research is required to draw generalizations about the gendered opportunity structures that shape how women enter (and exit) the premier's office in Canada.

Venue Shopping and Legitimacy: Making Sense of Harper's Immigration Record

Abstract: Canadian immigration policies went through numerous changes under the Conservative party leadership of Stephen Harper from 2006 to 2015. This article provides an empirical account of immigration policy change during this era and suggests that of state-centred venue shopping can effectively account for the Harper's immigration record. In particular, it documents the ways in which immigration policies have expanded into international and regional venues, opened new venues to non-state actors, further decentralized into subnational venues and reinvested into traditional administrative and executive venues for policy making. The analysis suggests that the redeployment of the state into new and expanding venues aims to demonstrate state capacity and legitimacy as a nodal actor in immigration policy.

Do Canadian Mining Firms Behave Worse Than Other Companies? Quantitative Evidence from Latin America

Abstract: The effects of Canadian mining companies on local communities abroad is an increasingly contentious topic as activists and academics, citing case studies, have drawn attention to alleged problems. Despite the policy relevance of this issue, there have been no generalizable analyses of whether mining companies headquartered in Canada behave differently from mining firms headquartered in other countries. This paper conducts the first rigorous statistical analysis of the effect of country of origin, or more specifically, “being Canadian,” on the occurrence of known social conflicts in Latin America. We use an original database of 634 mining properties in five Latin American countries, which allows us to differentiate between a country-of-origin effect and other probable determinants of social conflict in communities near mining properties. We find that Canadian mining firms perform slightly better than other foreign firms, but worse than locally owned firms.

How to Make Dutiful Citizens and Influence Turnout: The Effects of Family and School Dynamics on the Duty to Vote

Abstract: Existing literature assumes a link between voting and individuals’ political socialization, but no study has explored how political upbringing affects the most important attitudinal predictor of turnout: the duty to vote. Following previous research about the formation of attitudes related to the electoral process and social norms, this study focuses on the socialization agencies and dynamics that might first instill the belief during childhood that voting is a duty. The study also intends to contribute to political socialization theory by adopting a longitudinal perspective, by building upon developmental psychology theory and by simultaneously considering the two main childhood socialization agencies: family and school. A series of multivariate models confirms the role of family's socioeconomic status, parental engagement with children's education and non-authoritarian parenting styles, a positive effect that appears stronger than the effects on duty observed for Catholic schools and schools with democratic governance.

Friends, neighbours, townspeople and parties: explaining Canadian attitudes toward Muslims

Abstract: The 2015 Canadian federal election campaign put into focus relations between Muslim communities in Canada and wider Canadian society, featuring debates around banning the niqab, and a barbaric cultural practices hotline. At the same time, challenges in relations between Muslims and majority-group Canadians were not a new development in 2015: they had in the past faced periodic strains due to terrorism-related events, and attacks targeting Muslims in Canada. The Canadian case is in fact reflective of a challenge in intergroup relations facing several Western democracies. In light of this, what accounts for majority-group Canadians' attitudes toward Muslims in Canada? Drawing on data from the 2011 and 2015 Canadian Election Studies and theories linking outgroup perceptions to intergroup contact (friends), local demographic context at both the micro-level (neighbours) and meso-level (townspeople), and political factors (parties), this article seeks to explain why majority-group Canadians hold alternately positive or negative views of Muslims.

The Electoral Consequences of Party Switching in Canada: 1945–2011

Abstract: This article addresses the overlooked subject of party switching in the Canadian House of Commons for the period 1945–2011. We estimate a model that explores how and why MPs engage in the otherwise risky behaviour of abandoning their party labels in a system characterized by a low personal vote. Our findings suggest that the electoral consequences for MPs who switch parties for policy reasons are indistinguishable from MPs who do not switch at all. By contrast, MPs who switch parties for office-related reasons, such as to accept a seat in cabinet or vote-related reasons, experience large electoral penalties. We also find that MPs who are expelled from caucus face the strongest electoral penalties of all party switchers, indicating it matters whether an MP jumps or is pushed. Our findings suggest that voters recognize opportunistic behaviour among their legislators and punish them accordingly and that under some circumstances, party switching may be both strategic and rational.

Electoral Promises and Single Party Governments: The Role of Party Ideology and Budget Balance in Pledge Fulfillment

Abstract: The determinants of fulfilling campaign promises in Canada over the period 1994–2015 are analyzed in a comparative perspective All other factors being equal, we find that promises to reduce government spending are more likely to be fulfilled by the Conservatives than by the Liberals Majority and re-elected governments facing a budget surplus are more likely to fulfill their election promises than minority and newly elected governments facing a budget deficit Promises are more likely to be fulfilled at the start than at the end of a mandate We also find a small but noticeable increase in the rate of fulfilling campaign promises over time

Canada's Member-to-Member Code of Conduct on Sexual Harassment in the House of Commons: Progress or Regress?

Abstract: In 2015, the Canadian House of Commons passed a new code of conduct governing non-criminal sexual harassment between members of Parliament becoming the first of its kind in any Westminster system in the world. Using a feminist institutional and violence-against-women-in-politics approach, we assess how the code challenges, legitimizes and upholds traditionally gendered norms and institutionalized sexism within Canada's parliamentary system including parliamentary privilege, party cohesion and party discipline. Despite its novelty, we argue this code fails to enact positive gender-friendly institutional change and may do more harm than good in its efforts to curb sexual harassment.

Nations et Nations Fragiles

Abstract: Minority nations within multinational States often evolve within a context of great uncertainty when it comes to the protection of their distinctive political and cultural characteristics. While their minority condition in no way limits their existence as nations, it can nevertheless come with a certain feeling of national fragility and even a fear of disappearing. These minority nations, when the State to which they belong refuses to recognize their particularism and to allow them the necessary tools to defend it, can then quickly become fragile nations. In this article, we discuss, define and specify the meaning of the concept of fragile nations, putting the emphasis on its theoretical and normative dimensions.

Legislative Party Switching and the Changing Nature of the Canadian Party System, 1867–2015

Abstract: In this paper, we investigate the phenomenon of party switchers in the Canadian House of Commons. With the most extensive dataset on party-switching MPs (1867–2015), we answer the following questions: What are the electoral trajectories of party switchers? Have their prospects changed over time? We assess whether the historical dynamics of the Canadian party system explain changes in the incidence and fate of party switchers since 1867, hypothesizing that both the rate of party switching and the electoral fortunes of floor crossers decline over time. The evidence accords with our second hypothesis more strongly than our first. Party switching has become slightly less common, but the electoral consequence has become much more severe.

Costly Fix: Power, Politics, and Nature in the Tar Sands Ian Urquhart Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2018, 384 pages.

Abstract: juridique du statu quo » (92). Les avocats Power, Roy et Léonard-Dufour complètent ce volet juridique par une étude très détaillée, invoquant des raisons morales et juridiques étendues, proposant des pistes de solutions et des mesures de redressement, et offrant en bout de ligne « une réponse crédible aux objections de Bastarache » (4). Warren Newman ajoute sa voix à celle du sénateur Joyal pour la partie politique. Sans quitter le domaine juridique comme motif mobilisateur, le professeur et avocat-général démontre que la solution au dilemme se trouve du côté de la volonté politique, soit une collaboration fédérale-provinciale. Au-delà de l’argumentaire fort éloquemment articulé par les experts qui ramènent le débat dans l’arène publique, ce volume a « le mérite considérable de faire progresser la réflexion sur un sujet délibérément ignoré mais combien important tant sur le plan symbolique que constitutionnel » (XIV), et aussi longtemps que la question n’est pas résolue, « c’est tout un peuple qui se voit nier la reconnaissance symbolique qui lui revient » (8).

At the Centre of Government: The Prime Minister and the Limits on Political Power Ian Brodie Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2018, pp. 205

Abstract: between parties and factions from a normative perspective: parties, unlike factions, are committed to the common good. The next step is to insist that, in liberal democratic societies characterized by reasonable pluralism, to be sincerely committed to the common good implies a commitment to public reasoning because this is the only way to treat all citizens as free and equal persons. What is particularly interesting in Bonotti’s argument is the way he fleshes out the specific role that political parties and partisans play as key intermediaries between ordinary citizens, who remain committed to different conceptions of the good, and public reason. Whereas Rawls expected each individual citizen to work out how their comprehensive doctrine relates to the political conception of justice, Bonotti argues that political parties have an important facilitating role to play in this regard. In chapter 7, Bonotti makes two main arguments: firstly, he shows the importance of relaxing Rawls’ conception of public reason to make it more inclusive towards the use of nonpublic reasons by ordinary citizens, while entrusting elected partisans with the task of finding public reasons to support the policies ordinary citizens support. Secondly, Bonotti defends a division of justificatory labour within parties between elected partisans who bear the duty to comply with the constraints of public reason and other partisans whose task is to engage in nonpublic reasoning with their constituents. The ability of parties and partisans to be effective mediators between the nonpublic reasons of citizens and the public reason of the institutions of the liberal democratic state is key to securing stability and legitimacy in diverse societies. Bonotti’s normative account of partisanship does not have much to say about contemporary pathologies like the rise of populist parties, aside from dismissing them as mere factions. This may come as a disappointment to those looking for answers to the many problems that tax political parties in existing democracies. What Bonotti does provide is a clear and convincing view of how political parties can fit within the normative horizon of political liberalism.

Trust, Economic Development and Attitudes toward Immigration

Abstract: We examine (1) how trust in foreigners and trust in political institutions affect attitudes toward immigration and (2) the moderating effect of economic development on those impacts, analyzing data from the fifth wave of the World Values Survey. We find that natives who trust foreigners are more tolerant toward immigration and that economic development positively moderates the impact of trust in foreigners on the attitudes. Meanwhile, we find only mixed evidence for the impact of trust in political institutions and the moderating role of economic development in the impact. We conclude by discussing the implications of the findings.

Mobilizing the Young: The Role of Social Networks

Abstract: Disaffection of youth from politics is a well-documented phenomenon in many countries. In this article, we consider whether the social networks of young people have the same influence on political engagement as they have been found to have for older adults. We use a single dataset to test the effects of discussion and disagreement on the political engagement of young people (30 and under) and older adults. We find that social network discussion has a stronger effect on the engagement of young people but that disagreement has no clear differential effect.

Reconciling Shared Rule: Liberal Theory, Electoral-Districting Law and “National Group” Representation in Canada

Abstract: Canada, like all representative democracies, apportions representation to individuals; also, like all federal states, it accords polity-based representation to federal subunits. But Canada is additionally a consociational state, comprising three constitutionally recognized “national groups”: anglophones, francophones and Indigenous peoples. These groups share power and bear rights beyond the bounds of the federal system. In recent decades, Indigenous peoples and francophones have appealed for representation as “national groups,” leading to constitutional challenges. Courts have either failed to address the constitutionality of “national group” representation or have rejected it as irreconcilable with individual voting rights. I suggest the former is unnecessary and the latter procedurally illogical. Drawing on the liberal principles of individualism, egalitarianism and universalism, I develop a framework contextualizing such representation within liberal theory. I then deploy this framework to analyze recent Canadian case law. I show that appeals for “national group” representation should be approached not through the lens of individual rights, but rather through the “constitutionally prior” lens of universalism.

Neoliberalism, Authoritarian-Populism, and the “Photo-Op Democracy” of the Publicity State: Changes to Legislative and Parliamentary Norms by the Harper Government

Abstract: Several recent reports seek to evaluate the impact of former Prime Minister Stephen Harper on Canadian democracy by documenting his government's efforts to curtail established democratic processes and mechanisms for public debate. However, this article uses examples of the Harper government's changes to legislative and parliamentary norms to demonstrate that this government's efforts to curtail multi-directional public debate were importantly accompanied by efforts to amplify unidirectional communication of the government's partisan messages. The paper finds that this corresponding emphasis on communication exemplified a “photo-op” approach to democracy, which highlights points of compatibility between the seemingly contradictory authoritarian-populist “publicity state” and neoliberal democratic ideals. This research demonstrates the necessity of attention to government communication in analysis of the Harper government's impact on the Canadian public sphere. It also illustrates the pragmatic rather than doctrinaire nature of New Right politics in Canada and the affinity between neoliberal and authoritarian-populist approaches to governance.

L'analyse des risques éthiques : une recherche exploratoire dans le domaine de la gouvernance municipale

Abstract: Empirical data from exploratory research on ethical risks in a municipal environment were coded thematically. An ethical risk diagnosis was performed in a municipality confronting a major integrity crisis. A data collection strategy composed of semi-directed interviews with strategic actors and focus groups of operational actors spanned the period from November 2015 to March 2016.This research follows a feedback-about-experience model (Wybo and Wassenhove, 2009). Thus, through collective reflection, this study's aim is to create a pool of practical recommendations to enable greater understanding of ethical risks and to target risk mitigation strategies for said risks.As for our analyses, we intersected our results along two axes: a risks’ analysis from three indicators (risky behaviours, risk factors and mitigation strategies), and a stakeholders’ transactions analysis. To underline the cross-cutting nature of the data and their contextual links to specific transactions, our results are presented in a consolidated manner. In the discussion section, strategies for mitigating ethical risks are emphasized in order to highlight an important discrepancy between our results and conventional suggestions about public service ethics set forth by institutional experts.

Mea Culpa: Apology Legislation, Accountability and Care

Abstract: Increasingly, jurisdictions are adopting “apology legislation” that allow medical professionals to apologize to patients and family members when an adverse event occurs while disallowing the introduction of the apology in a liability case as evidence of fault or liability. While apology legislation itself is fairly straightforward, its potential meaning and impact is much more complex. This paper conceptualizes apology legislation from an accountability and ethics of care perspective. These two concepts—accountability and care—are distinct but interrelated concepts and this dual theoretical approach offers a rich analysis on the potential impact(s) of apology legislation. We argue that apology legislation is a mechanism added to the existing accountability regime that can offer important opportunities to express and practise care. As an accountability mechanism, apology legislation creates space for an accountability relationship to emerge between medical professionals and their patients. Apology legislation also addresses long-standing gaps in how we as a society think about health care and respond to patients and families in ways that challenge the dominant “consumer of services” role. It is in this sense that apology legislation has the potential to destabilize traditional notions of social citizenship. Last, we argue that empirical research is urgently needed to know to what degree apologies contribute to accountability and the transformation of health care.

Domestic Colonies in Canada: Rethinking the Definition of Colony

Abstract: What is a colony? In this article, I reconsider the meaning of colony in light of the existence of domestic colonies in Canada around the turn of the twentieth century. The two case studies examined are farm colonies for the mentally disabled and ill in Ontario and British Columbia and utopian colonies for Doukhobors in Saskatchewan. I show how both kinds of colonies are characterized by the same three principles found in Lockean settler colonialism: segregation, agrarian labour on uncultivated soil and improvement/cultivation of people and land. Defining “colony” in this way is theoretically interesting as it is different from the definition found in most dictionaries and post-colonial scholarship. There is also an inherent contradiction within domestic colonies as they both support state power over indigenous peoples, Doukhobors and the mentally ill and disabled but also challenge the principles of domination, individualism, private property and sovereignty upon which the Canadian settler state was founded.

Juste part, boycott et loi spéciale : le cadrage gouvernemental d’un printemps de crise sociale

Abstract: This article examines how the government framed its communications during the so-called "Printemps erable" (Maple Spring), a historic student protest movement that took place in Quebec in 2012. Six years after the end of the conflict, and despite the production of a significant volume of analysis and reflections on this social crisis, no empirical work had been dedicated yet to the study of the government’s communication strategy. Following a quantitative content analysis of 424 public interventions from cabinet members, this study raises the argumentative frameworks at the heart of the government’s communication strategy. Drawing on Entman's cascading activation model (2004), the analysis shows how the government tried to define the problems, solutions and protagonists involved in this societal conflict. Our study highlights the government's failure to maintain the framing initiative of the crisis, and the change in communication strategy that resulted.

The Young Macpherson on the Transition into Socialism and the Rise of Fascism

Abstract: Given the renewed interest in C. B. Macpherson's political theory in a time of late neo-liberalism, the aim of this article is to complement existing scholarship with a detailed account of his early thought on the transition into socialism. Against the prevailing view, I suggest that the young Macpherson outlined a theory of transition, on which the actualization of his democratic vision depended. I trace how he investigated the nature of the state in the 1930s and early 1940s and asked whether a socialist movement could gain control of state institutions and shape their policies to establish an economic democracy that could serve as a defence against fascism. As a democratic socialist, he agonized over the idea that a forcible revolution and unconstitutional measures were likely required to establish socialism. To paint my intellectual portrait, I make use of archival material from the time that has yet to be commented on.

The Charter's Influence on Legislation: Political Strategizing about Risk: Presidential Address to the Canadian Political Science Association, Regina, Saskatchewan, May 31, 2018

Abstract: Commentators and critics often invoke the metaphor “Charter proofing” to emphasize how much the Charter and judicial review have influenced legislation. This metaphor implies that proposed legislation is evaluated carefully for its consistency with Charter rulings as a condition of passage because decision makers believe legislation should respect judicial interpretations of constitutional norms and/or because they engage in risk-averse behaviour out of self-interest to minimize the likelihood that legislation could subsequently be challenged and declared unconstitutional. However, it is not clear that the federal government is as worried about having legislation declared invalid as many assume. If this is so, federal government responses to the Charter raise an interesting puzzle. The government has both the resources and the institutional capacity to anticipate judicial concerns and integrate judicial norms into legislation to minimize the likelihood of having legislation declared unconstitutional. So why does it not act in a more risk-averse manner at the outset, in order to protect legislation from the possibility of judicial invalidation? This address offers a five-part explanation to this puzzle that emphasizes the significance of political strategizing about risk.

L'impact des minorités visibles sur l'appui à la Charte des valeurs et l'interdiction des signes religieux

Abstract: The article examines the impact of visible minorities on support for the Charter of Values and the ban of religious symbols for civil servants among Francophone Quebecers. Building on group conflict theory and contact theory, we expect that the proportion of visible minorities in a region will have a positive effect on support for the Charter of values and the ban of religious symbols among sovereignists while to have a negative effect among federalists. Our results show that the presence of visible minorities decreases support for the ban of religious symbols, except among those who are very supportive of Quebec sovereignty.

Engaging with Identity Politics in Canadian Political Science

Abstract: This paper critiques the deployment of the term “identity politics” in Canadian political science. Through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of research articles in leading English language academic journals in the Canadian social sciences, we examine whose politics are labelled identity politics and what intellectual work transpires through this label. Identity politics tends to be applied to scholarship that foregrounds analyses of ethnicity, race and gender, but with a lack of analytical rigour, indicating a degree of conceptual looseness. Moreover, the designation identity politics is not neutral; it is often mobilized as a rhetorical device to distance authors from scholarship that foregrounds analyses of ethnicity, race and gender, and to inscribe a materialist/culturalist divide in claims-making. We argue that the effect of this demarcation of identity from politics is to control the boundaries of political discourse, limiting who and what gains entry into the political. This serves to reassert an exclusionary conception of Canadian identity.