The start of the twenty-first century is characterized by massive international migration, intense ethnic conflicts and ethnic antagonism. Attitudes toward the ethnic in-group and toward ethnic out-groups have gained increasing relevance as a research topic in the social sciences. In this cross-national comparative study I examined the attitudes of ethnic majority populations toward their own country and the national in-group (nationalistic attitudes) and their attitudes toward ethnic minorities and immigrants (ethnic exclusionism). Hypotheses derived from various sociological and social psychological theories, such as social identity theory and realistic group conflict theory, were tested with data of the International Social Survey Programme, gathered in 1995 in 22 countries. To assess the degree of cross-national equivalence of the survey measurements, I applied structural equation modelling and conducted multi-sample analyses. First, I explored whether various dimensions of nationalistic attitudes and ethnic exclusionism can be distinguished. Conceptually and empirically, a distinction could be made between chauvinism, referring to feelings of national superiority, and patriotism, referring to national pride. With regard to ethnic exclusionism, a distinction could be made between exclusionism of immigrants, political refugees, and exclusionism from group membership. The interrelations between chauvinism, patriotism, and dimensions of ethnic exclusionism were examined across the different countries. Chauvinism was overall positively related to ethnic exclusionism in each country. Patriotism on the other hand was mostly not significantly, and in a few countries even negatively, related to ethnic exclusionism. Only in Germany and Japan, a higher level of patriotism was related to stronger exclusionism of immigrants and refugees. Next, the impact of individual characteristics on nationalistic attitudes and ethnic exclusionism was assessed. In particular, this study examined whether the effect of educational attainment varied systematically across countries. In line with socialization theory, the educational effect on ethnic exclusionism was smaller in recently established democracies compared to other countries. However, no substantial differences were found in the effect of education on nationalistic attitudes. Chauvinism and ethnic exclusionism were strongly affected by perceptions of ethnic threat. Furthermore, I investigated the societal causes of chauvinism and ethnic exclusionism. To what extent are differences between countries in the average level of chauvinism and ethnic exclusionism related to demographic, economic, and political conditions, as well as recent changes in these societal conditions, such as the decline in economic conditions or the growth in asylum applications? By means of multi-level analyses, the effects of individual and societal characteristics were estimated simultaneously. Two rather consistent effects emerged. Firstly, the higher the degree of ethnic heterogeneity within a country, the stronger the average level of chauvinism and ethnic exclusionism. Secondly, the stronger the relative decline in economic conditions, the stronger the average level of chauvinism, ethnic exclusionism, as well as perceptions of ethnic threat.

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Nationalistic Attitudes and Ethnic Exclusionism in a Comparative Perspective. An Empirical Study of Attitudes Toward the Country and Ethnic Immigrants in 22 Countries

Table of Contents - 6[-]1. Introduction - 8[-]2. International Migration and Its Regulation - 20[-]3. Migration and Development: Causes and Consequences - 42[-]4. Migrants' Citizenship: Legal Status, Rights and Political Participation - 66[-]5. Migrants' Work, Entrepreneurship and Economic Integration - 100[-]6. Social Integration of Immigrants with Special Reference to the Local and Spatial Dimension - 134[-]7. Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Diversity in Europe: An Overview of Issues and Trends - 172[-]8. Identity, Representation, Interethnic Relations and Discrimination - 202[-]9. Time, Generations and Gender in Migration and Settlement - 234[-]10. The Multilevel Governance of Migration - 270[-]11. Conclusions and Directions for Research - 306

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The dynamics of international migration and settlement in Europe. A state of the Art

The revenge of God: the resurgence of Islam, Christianity and Judaism in the modern world

This article explores how Muslim identity is constructed in different ways by two groups of political activists in Britain. At the heart of our investigation is an interest in how these different definitions of Muslim identity are organized to promote different forms of political action. We pay particular attention to how these groups employ the same Islamic concept, da'wah (the injunction to invite people to Islam), and show that it only gains meaning when invoked and deployed in the context of practical argumentation. That is, the meaning of such concepts is not a fixed given but highly contingent upon the contrasting strategic concerns of those claiming to represent the community. While these points have a general applicability, they are particularly important in the analysis of Muslim political activity. For too long, the ahistorical essentialist assumptions of 'Orientalism' have obscured the fundamentally contested and strategically constructed nature of Muslim identity.

'Representing' British Muslims: the strategic dimension to identity construction

Fear of Muslims, Islamophobia, is embedded in stereotypical assumptions and pronouncements regarding selected customs and, above all, the inherently fanatical, violent and irrational tendencies of Muslim leaders and their followers. The further point of such discourses is the claim that these alien qualities and attributes have come to be implanted in the Western body itself, no longer simply confined to its 'bloody boundaries', to cite Huntington, but extending within and across them. A substantial Muslim diasporic presence has emerged in Europe and the West, and even some Western liberals, who pride themselves on their enlightened tolerance, appear concerned about the capacity of this culturally alien presence, as they see it, to integrate'. Such doubts surfaced especially during the Rushdie affair and the Gulf war, both of which seemed to expose the chasm between so-called Western 'values' and Islamic ones. In denying the validity of this antagonistic vision according to which Muslim minorities are int...

Divided Loyalties, Empowered Citizenship? Muslims in Britain

The present article aims at analyzing and evaluating the data of a new source concerning the legal views of Muslim scholars about the Islamic statute of the Muslim communities living under Christian rule in the Iberian Peninsula from the 12th up till the early 16th centuries. We are dealing here with (1) and unpublished fatwā of the Andalusian scholar Ibn Rabī‛ (d. 719/1320) and (2) unpublished fatwās of the Chief Judges of the four Sunnite madhhabs in Cairo around the year 1510 A.D. In all probabiUty, the first fatwā was closely related to the events following the Mudejar revolt in Murcia in 1265 and the Christian reconquest of the city in 1266» This fatwā stresses that Muslims living under Christian rule are absolutely obliged to perform the duty of emigration (hijra) to Islamic territory. A much more pragmatic view was, however, defended by the Chief Judges of the four madhhabs in Cairo during the early 16th century. The questions to which these fatwās provide the answers, seem to have been posed by Muslims from Valencia, stopping over in Cairo, on their way to or from the hajj. In conclusion, the authors argue that from the early 12th century onwards two different types of legal views about the statute of Islam under Christian rule in the Iberian Peninsula coexisted, viz. (1) a pragmatic view, tantamount to a de facto recognition of Islam under Christian rule, and (2) a rejectionist view, stressing the duty to emigrate from Christian Spain to Dār al-Islām. The changing impact of these different lines of legal thought deserves to be studied more closely within the context of the complex and changeable political relations between Christendom and Islam during the period concerned.

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The islamic statute of the Mudejars in the light of a new source

The permanent presence of Islam and Muslims is a comparatively recent phenomenon in most countries of the European Union. Over the last few decades many initiatives have been launched by Muslim communities in the European Union to create infrastructural provisions for their religious life, within the existing legal and social frameworks. In fact, all countries of the European Union share the principles of religious freedom and non-discrimination in their respective Constitutions. However, the precise way in which these principles are interpreted and applied to Islam depends largely on the historical traditions concerning the relation between State and Religion, which differ from one country to another. These differences are reflected in recent developments in the communication between the States and their Muslim communities, both at national, regional and municipal levels. They are also reflected in recent developments in legislation and jurisprudence concerning the most essential Islamic core-values, such as dietary laws, the precepts on modest dress, Islamic burial practices and the possibilities to found Islamic cemeteries, as well as the observance of Friday prayers and annual holidays. Looking at the legal position of Islam in the countries of the European Union, the authors of this volume discuss the challenges posed by the presence of Islam to the Western European system of relationships between law and religion. They argue, that these challenges necessitate reforms within the relevant European legislation, but differ as to their precise nature. They also discuss the difficulties of this task, as these adjustments will alter a longstanding balance of rights and privileges recognised by different religious denominations. Legal reforms, however, are not sufficient. The creation of a truly multicultural Europe also necessitates fighting against the negative image of Islam and Muslims (A"anti-MuslimismA" or A"IslamophobiaA") prevailing in most of its member states.

Religious Freedom and the Neutrality of the State: The Position of Islam in the European Union

[FREE] 1501 MANEIRAS PREMIAR SEUS 195655 PDF Mskara Org Uk.PDF. You can download and read online PDF file Book 1501 MANEIRAS PREMIAR SEUS 195655 PDF Mskara Org Uk only if you are registered here.Download and read online 1501 MANEIRAS PREMIAR SEUS 195655 PDF Mskara Org Uk PDF Book file easily for everyone or every device. And also You can download or readonline all file PDF Book that related with 1501 MANEIRAS PREMIAR SEUS 195655 PDF Mskara Org Uk book. Happy reading 1501 MANEIRAS PREMIAR SEUS 195655 PDF Mskara Org Uk Book everyone. It's free to register here toget 1501 MANEIRAS PREMIAR SEUS 195655 PDF Mskara Org Uk Book file PDF. file 1501 MANEIRAS PREMIAR SEUS 195655 PDF Mskara Org Uk Book Free Download PDF at Our eBook Library. This Book have some digitalformats such us : kindle, epub, ebook, paperbook, and another formats. Here is The Complete PDF Library

The negative image of Islam and Muslims in the West: Causes and solutions

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Loyalty to a non-Muslim government: an analysis of islamic normative discussions and of the views of some contemporary islamicists

https://www.interculturelecommunicatie.com/download/autoriteiten.pdf

P.S. van Koningsveld

Papers

The islamic statute of the Mudejars in the light of a new source

Religious Freedom and the Neutrality of the State: The Position of Islam in the European Union

The negative image of Islam and Muslims in the West: Causes and solutions

Loyalty to a non-Muslim government: an analysis of islamic normative discussions and of the views of some contemporary islamicists

Religious Authorities of Muslims in the West : Their Views on Political Participation