All these premises having, as I think, been clearly made out, it is impossible that the rulers now on earth should make any benefit, or derive any the least shadow of authority from that, which is held to be the fountain of all power, Adam's private dominion and paternal jurisdiction; so that he that will not give just occasion to think that all government in the world is the product only of force and violence, and that men live together by no other rules but that of beasts, where the strongest carries it, and so lay a foundation for perpetual disorder and mischief, tumult, sedition and rebellion, (things that the followers of that hypothesis so loudly cry out against) must of necessity find out another rise of government, another original of political power, and another way of designing and knowing the persons that have it, than what Sir Robert Filmer hath taught us.

Two Treatises of Government.

Our goal in this article is to remind readers what is unsettling about decolonization. Decolonization brings about the repatriation of Indigenous land and life; it is not a metaphor for other things we want to do to improve our societies and schools. The easy adoption of decolonizing discourse by educational advocacy and scholarship, evidenced by the increasing number of calls to “decolonize our schools,” or use “decolonizing methods,” or, “decolonize student thinking”, turns decolonization into a metaphor. As important as their goals may be, social justice, critical methodologies, or approaches that decenter settler perspectives have objectives that may be incommensurable with decolonization. Because settler colonialism is built upon an entangled triad structure of settler-native-slave, the decolonial desires of white, non-white, immigrant, postcolonial, and oppressed people, can similarly be entangled in resettlement, reoccupation, and reinhabitation that actually further settler colonialism. The metaphorization of decolonization makes possible a set of evasions, or “settler moves to innocence”, that problematically attempt to reconcile settler guilt and complicity, and rescue settler futurity. In this article, we analyze multiple settler moves towards innocence in order to forward “an ethic of incommensurability” that recognizes what is distinct and what is sovereign for project(s) of decolonization in relation to human and civil rights based social justice projects. We also point to unsettling themes within transnational/Third World decolonizations, abolition, and critical space-place pedagogies, which challenge the coalescence of social justice endeavors, making room for more meaningful potential alliances.

https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/des/article/download/18630/15554

Decolonization is not a metaphor

Examining the relationship between strangers, embodiment and community, Strange Encounters challenges the assumptions that the stranger is simply anybody we do not recognize and instead proposes that he or she is socially constructued as somebody we already know. Using feminist and postcolonial theory this book examines the impact of multiculturalism and globalization on embodiment and community whilst considering the ethical and political implication of its critique for post-colonial feminism.A diverse range of texts are analyzed which produce the figure of 'the stranger', showing that it has alternatively been expelled as the origin of danger - such as in neighbourhood watch, or celebrated as the origin of difference - as in multiculturalism. The author argues that both of these standpoints are problematic as they involve 'stranger fetishism'; they assume that the stranger 'has a life of its own'.

Strange Encounters: Embodied Others in Post-Coloniality

The Racial Contract

Glen Sean Coulthard. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2014. 256 pp., index, notes. $22.50 paper (ISBN 978-0-8166-7965-2); $67.50 cloth (ISBN 978-0-8166-7964-5).Red Skin, White Masks ...

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/2325548X.2016.1146013

Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition

The question of genocide is never far from discussions of settler colonialism Land is life—or, at least, land is necessary for life Thus contests for land can be—indeed, often are—contests for li

/pdf/settler-colonialism-and-the-elimination-of-the-native-j6u9yfspxz.pdf

Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native

Text and context - anthropology and settler colonialism white manAs flour - virgin birth in anthropology and Australian settler discourse science, colonialism and anthropology - the logic of global transformation mother-right - sex and property in Victorian anthropology totemism yesterday, today and tomorrow - Victorian anthroplogyAs eternal dichtomy survival in paradism shift - E.B. Taylor and the problem of text repressive authenticity.

Settler colonialism and the transformation of anthropology : the politics and poetics of an ethnographic event

logic, as in the case of Jeffersonian rhetoric, emancipation actually did let them in. Thus it was no accident that a concomitant response to the crisis provoked by emancipation should have been the colonization movement, which, in advocating the spatial externalization of blacks, proposed an alternative natural barrier with which to effect their separation.49 An objection may suggest itself. If, in the absence of slavery, blacks became anomalous, like Indians inside the frontier, why did white society not seek to eliminate blacks in the same way as Indians-by assimilation? Indeed, in a passage removed from subsequent editions of the Jeffersoniad, Thomas Jefferson himself has been cited as suggesting just this solution to the problem posed by emancipation: "The course of events will likewise inevitably lead to a mixture of the whites and the blacks and as the former are about five times as numerous as the latter the blacks will ultimately be merged in the whites."50 But five to one is not nearly as comfortable a disproportion as fifty or a hundred to one. Not that demography is an answer in itself. Nor is it simply a natural occurrence. Rather, demographic imbalance is a product of history.51 In this case, it represents the difference between one group of people who had survived a centuries-long genocidal catastrophe with correspondingly depleted numbers and another group who, as commodities, had been preserved, their reproduction constituting a singularly primitive form of accumulation for their owners. Moreover, these histories were ongoing. In large areas of the agricultural South, for instance, the ending of slavery did not mean that blacks became anomalous overnight. On the contrary, they continued to furnish a cheap source of labor.52 Even when unemployed, their mere presence as a hyperexploitable alternative depressed white workers' wages. Thus we need to be clear: in the wake of slavery, blacks did not become physically anomalous as labor; they became juridically anomalous as equals. In the case of Indians within, by contrast, their very presence was anomalous-as Gary Nash put it, whites "coveted Indian land but not land with Indians on it."53 Since the oppression of blacks outlived emancipation, we should not allow the discontinuation of slavery to distract us from the continuities that obtain. As Frederick Cooper, Thomas Holt, and Rebecca Scott (one of them, at least) observed of histories that fail to link the slave era to the present, "Slave labor could be analyzed in economic, social, and political terms, but free labor was often 49 P. J. Staudenraus, The African Colonization Movement, 1816-1865 (New York, 1961). In this connection, it should be acknowledged that the idea of colonization had black support, both at the time (Paul Cuffe, John B. Russworm) and later (Marcus Garvey, who also endorsed a form of segregation). 50 In J. A. Rogers, Sex and Race: Negro-Caucasian Mixing in All Ages and All Lands, 3 vols. (New York, 1940-44), 2: 186. 51 And, as will be argued below, of culture. 52 For a recent account, see Rebecca J. Scott, "Fault Lines, Color Lines, and Party Lines: Race, Labor, and Collective Action in Louisiana and Cuba, 1816-1912," in Thomas C. Holt, Scott, and Frederick Cooper, eds., Beyond Slavery: Explorations of Race, Labor, and Citizenship in Postemancipation Societies (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2000), 61-106. 53 Gary B. Nash, Red, White, and Black: The Peoples of Early North America, 3d edn. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1992), 297. This is not, of course, to suggest that whites have failed to exploit Indian labor. After all, it has been there for the exploiting. The point is that the continuing presence of Indian labor occurs in spite of rather than as a result of the primary tendency of settler-colonial policy. AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW JUNE 2001 This content downloaded from 207.46.13.51 on Tue, 21 Jun 2016 06:35:24 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Land, Labor, and Difference: Elementary Structures of Race

Traces of History presents a new approach to race and to comparative colonial studies. Bringing a historical perspective to bear on the regimes of race that colonizers have sought to impose on Aboriginal people in Australia, on Blacks and Native Americans in the United States, on Ashkenazi Jews in Western Europe, on Arab-Jews in Israel/Palestine, and on people of African descent in Brazil, this book shows how race marks and reproduces the different relationships of inequality into which Europeans have coopted subaltern populations: territorial dispossession, enslavement, confinement, assimilation, and removal. Charting the different modes of domination that engender specific regimes of race and the strategies of anti-colonial resistance they entail, the book powerfully argues for cross-racial solidarities that respect these historical differences.

Traces of History: Elementary Structures of Race

IMPERIALISM RESEMBLES DARWINISM, in that many use the term but few can say what it really means. This imprecision is encouraged by a surfeit of synonyms. Two stand out: imperialism is taken to be interchangeable with colonialism and reducible to the word "empire." Add to these the compounding effects of elaborations such as hegemony, dependency, or globalization and the definitional space of imperialism becomes a vague, consensual gestalt. In its stricter Marxist-Leninist applications, the word "imperialism" dates from the end of the nineteenth century and minimally connotes the use of state power to secure (or, at least, to attempt to secure) economic monopolies for national companies. On this basis, imperialism is not necessarily an extranational project, which would appear to distinguish it from colonialism. Moreover, the monopoly criterion excludes open-door policies, relegating "U.S. imperialism" and "cultural imperialism" to the realm of rhetoric but seeming to leave "Soviet imperialism" with at least a leg to stand on.1 Since the term "imperialism" has been so closely associated with Left opposition to U.S. foreign policy, it is apparent that later usage of the term has not been too respectful of Marxist technicalities. In what follows, I shall not presume to dispense a received definition of imperialism. Rather, the term will be used heuristically to group together a somewhat disparate set of theories of Western hegemony (including Marxism, dependency, postcolonialism, globalization, etc.).2 Although these theories have most often been discussed in relative isolation from each other, taken together, as they will be here, they make up a multifaceted debate that continued for most of the

Patrick Wolfe

Papers

Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native

Settler colonialism and the transformation of anthropology : the politics and poetics of an ethnographic event

Land, Labor, and Difference: Elementary Structures of Race

Traces of History: Elementary Structures of Race

History and Imperialism: A Century of Theory, from Marx to Postcolonialism