In this article the author reviews research evidence on the prevalence of mental disorders in lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals (LGBs) and shows, using meta-analyses, that LGBs have a higher prevalence of mental disorders than heterosexuals. The author offers a conceptual framework for understanding this excess in prevalence of disorder in terms of minority stress— explaining that stigma, prejudice, and discrimination create a hostile and stressful social environment that causes mental health problems. The model describes stress processes, including the experience of prejudice events, expectations of rejection, hiding and concealing, internalized homophobia, and ameliorative coping processes. This conceptual framework is the basis for the review of research evidence, suggestions for future research directions, and exploration of public policy implications. The study of mental health of lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) populations has been complicated by the debate on the classification of homosexuality as a mental disorder during the 1960s and early 1970s. That debate posited a gay-affirmative perspective, which sought to declassify homosexuality, against a conservative perspective, which sought to retain the classification of homosexuality as a mental disorder (Bayer, 1981). Although the debate on classification ended in 1973 with the removal of homosexuality from the second edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM; American Psychiatric Association, 1973), its heritage has lasted. This heritage has tainted discussion on mental health of lesbians and gay men by associating— even equating— claims that LGB people have higher prevalences of mental disorders than heterosexual people with the historical antigay stance and the stigmatization of LGB persons (Bailey, 1999). However, a fresh look at the issues should make it clear that whether LGB populations have higher prevalences of mental disorders is unrelated to the classification of homosexuality as a mental disorder. A retrospective analysis would suggest that the attempt to find a scientific answer in that debate rested on flawed logic. The debated scientific question was, Is homosexuality a mental disorder? The operationalized research question that pervaded the debate was, Do homosexuals have high prevalences of mental disorders? But the research did not accurately operationalize the scientific question. The question of whether homosexuality should be considered a mental disorder is a question about classification. It can be answered by debating which behaviors, cognitions, or emotions should be considered indicators of a mental

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Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations: conceptual issues and research evidence

ContextIn 2002, an estimated 877 000 lives were lost worldwide through
suicide. Some developed nations have implemented national suicide prevention
plans. Although these plans generally propose multiple interventions, their
effectiveness is rarely evaluated.ObjectivesTo examine evidence for the effectiveness of specific suicide-preventive
interventions and to make recommendations for future prevention programs and
research.Data Sources and Study SelectionRelevant publications were identified via electronic searches of MEDLINE,
the Cochrane Library, and PsychINFO databases using multiple search terms
related to suicide prevention. Studies, published between 1966 and June 2005,
included those that evaluated preventative interventions in major domains;
education and awareness for the general public and for professionals; screening
tools for at-risk individuals; treatment of psychiatric disorders; restricting
access to lethal means; and responsible media reporting of suicide.Data ExtractionData were extracted on primary outcomes of interest: suicidal behavior
(completion, attempt, ideation), intermediary or secondary outcomes (treatment
seeking, identification of at-risk individuals, antidepressant prescription/use
rates, referrals), or both. Experts from 15 countries reviewed all studies.
Included articles were those that reported on completed and attempted suicide
and suicidal ideation; or, where applicable, intermediate outcomes, including
help-seeking behavior, identification of at-risk individuals, entry into treatment,
and antidepressant prescription rates. We included 3 major types of studies
for which the research question was clearly defined: systematic reviews and
meta-analyses (n = 10); quantitative studies, either randomized
controlled trials (n = 18) or cohort studies (n = 24);
and ecological, or population- based studies (n = 41). Heterogeneity
of study populations and methodology did not permit formal meta-analysis;
thus, a narrative synthesis is presented.Data SynthesisEducation of physicians and restricting access to lethal means were
found to prevent suicide. Other methods including public education, screening
programs, and media education need more testing.ConclusionsPhysician education in depression recognition and treatment and restricting
access to lethal methods reduce suicide rates. Other interventions need more
evidence of efficacy. Ascertaining which components of suicide prevention
programs are effective in reducing rates of suicide and suicide attempt is
essential in order to optimize use of limited resources.

Suicide prevention strategies: a systematic review.

To the Editor. —The article entitled "Actual Causes of Death in the United States"1was misleading in a number of ways. First, the title should have been something like "Nongenetic Causes of Death" or "Potentially Preventable Nongenetic Causes of Premature Death," or adjustments should have been made so that ordinary causes of death not credited to one of Drs McGinnis and Foege's major external factors were kept in. Otherwise, listing nine or 10 leading "actual causes" misleadingly suggests that heart disease and cancers are not leading causes of death. In fact, subtract those cancers and heart diseases that McGinnis and Foege attribute to external causes, lifestyles, and the like, and heart disease remains comfortably in third place as a cause of death, and cancers not attributable to outside influences kill more than toxic agents do. Second, either some deaths are counted twice or virtually no firearm-related deaths are attributed

Actual Causes of Death in the United States

At a time when lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals—often referred to under the umbrella acronym LGBT—are becoming more visible in society and more socially acknowledged, clinicians and researchers are faced with incomplete information about their health status. While LGBT populations often are combined as a single entity for research and advocacy purposes, each is a distinct population group with its own specific health needs. Furthermore, the experiences of LGBT individuals are not uniform and are shaped by factors of race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, geographical location, and age, any of which can have an effect on health-related concerns and needs. While some research about the health of LGBT populations has been conducted, researchers still have a great deal to learn. To help assess the state of the science, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) asked the Institute of Medicine (IOM) to assess current knowledge of the health status of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender populations; to identify research gaps and opportunities; and to outline a research agenda to help NIH focus its research in this area. A committee of experts was convened by the IOM to consider this task, and its findings are presented in its report, The Health of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender People: Building a Foundation for Better Understanding.

The Health of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender People: Building a Foundation for Better Understanding

Lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) people may be at higher risk of mental disorders than heterosexual people. We conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis of the prevalence of mental disorder, substance misuse, suicide, suicidal ideation and deliberate self harm in LGB people. We searched Medline, Embase, PsycInfo, Cinahl, the Cochrane Library Database, the Web of Knowledge, the Applied Social Sciences Index and Abstracts, the International Bibliography of the Social Sciences, Sociological Abstracts, the Campbell Collaboration and grey literature databases for articles published January 1966 to April 2005. We also used Google and Google Scholar and contacted authors where necessary. We searched all terms related to homosexual, lesbian and bisexual people and all terms related to mental disorders, suicide, and deliberate self harm. We included papers on population based studies which contained concurrent heterosexual comparison groups and valid definition of sexual orientation and mental health outcomes. Of 13706 papers identified, 476 were initially selected and 28 (25 studies) met inclusion criteria. Only one study met all our four quality criteria and seven met three of these criteria. Data was extracted on 214,344 heterosexual and 11,971 non heterosexual people. Meta-analyses revealed a two fold excess in suicide attempts in lesbian, gay and bisexual people [pooled risk ratio for lifetime risk 2.47 (CI 1.87, 3.28)]. The risk for depression and anxiety disorders (over a period of 12 months or a lifetime) on meta-analyses were at least 1.5 times higher in lesbian, gay and bisexual people (RR range 1.54–2.58) and alcohol and other substance dependence over 12 months was also 1.5 times higher (RR range 1.51–4.00). Results were similar in both sexes but meta analyses revealed that lesbian and bisexual women were particularly at risk of substance dependence (alcohol 12 months: RR 4.00, CI 2.85, 5.61; drug dependence: RR 3.50, CI 1.87, 6.53; any substance use disorder RR 3.42, CI 1.97–5.92), while lifetime prevalence of suicide attempt was especially high in gay and bisexual men (RR 4.28, CI 2.32, 7.88). LGB people are at higher risk of mental disorder, suicidal ideation, substance misuse, and deliberate self harm than heterosexual people.

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A systematic review of mental disorder, suicide, and deliberate self harm in lesbian, gay and bisexual people

• The suicide rate among people under 30 years of age has nearly tripled in the past several decades. We compared 133 suicides under the age of 30 years with 150 aged 30 years and over. After gathering and reviewing extensive clinical information and postmortem toxicologic data, we assigned diagnoses usingDSM-IIIcriteria. A major diagnostic finding was the occurrence of more drug abuse than had been previously reported, significantly more often in the young people. Few other differences were found either between our total sample and previous studies or between our younger and older groups. We conclude that a closer look at the young group is necessary to see what other differences might occur between the drug abusers and other young suicides.

https://jamanetwork.com/HttpHandlers/ArticlePdfHandler.ashx?journal=PSYCH&articleId=493822&pdfFileName=archpsyc_43_6_009.pdf

San Diego suicide study. I. Young vs old subjects

• Few attempts have been made to look for potential correlations between psychiatric diagnoses and psychosocial stressors in suicides. In this study, we examine relationships between the most common psychiatric illnesses and the most common stressors in 283 suicides from San Diego County. We found that interpersonal loss/conflicts occurred more frequently near the time of death for substance abusers with and without depression than for persons with “pure” affective disorder. These findings are consistent with those of previous reports, suggesting a difference between the way suicidal persons with substance abuse and pure affective disorder respond to certain external stressors.

San Diego Suicide Study. III. Relationships between diagnoses and stressors.

• Fifty-three percent of 133 consecutive young suicides had a principal psychiatric diagnosis of substance abuse. Twentyfour percent had an additional principal diagnosis of atypical depression, atypical psychosis, or adjustment disorder with depression. The relationship of the substance abuse to the additional diagnosis was usually obscure, though this subgroup was similar to the group with only substance abuse on a number of factors. Typically, substance abuse was a chronic condition present for nine years. Multiple substance abuse was the norm in these cases, and marijuana, alcohol, and cocaine were the most frequently abused substances. Substance abusers without other principal diagnoses received psychiatric care less frequently than those with additional principal diagnoses.

San Diego Suicide Study. II. Substance abuse in young cases.

Objectives: To see if selected clinical factors characterize suicides over the age of 60 differently from younger suicides and to ascertain if those factors characterize female and male suicides over the age of 60 differently.



Design: A group of consecutive suicides aged 60–88 was compared with groups of consecutive suicides aged 31–59 and 16–30. The female suicides aged 60–88 were also compared with the male suicides in that age group. Data were gathered from a variety of informants using a structured interview format.



Setting: The sample was gathered in San Diego County, California, between November, 1981 and September 1982.



Participants: The sample consisted of 204 consecutive suicides. These included 49 cases aged 60–88, 94 cases aged 31–59, and 61 cases aged 16–30. The older group consisted of 20 females and 29 males.



Measurements: Comparisons were made in demographic, diagnostic, and other clinical characteristics.



Results: There were no significant differences between female and male suicides over age 60 on any of the variables examined. Only minor differences were found among the groups in patterns of mental disorders diagnosed. Older suicides were significantly more likely to be married or, if not married, widowed than either of the two younger groups. They were also significantly more likely to be stressed by medical illness. They were significantly less likely to have financial problems as stressors. They were significantly less likely to have talked about suicide or made prior suicide attempts than either of the two younger groups.



Conclusions: Patterns of certain characteristics of suicides are very similar regardless of age. However, specific age-related differences occur that need to be considered when assessing suicide risk. Older suicides may be harder for clinicians to predict and, therefore, prevent.

Suicide over 60: the San Diego study.

Men have persistently had a several-fold higher suicide rate than women. In this study of 204 consecutive suicides, the authors examined three areas in which the men differed from the women. Men used more violent, immediately lethal methods of suicide, were almost three times more likely to be substance abusers, and were more likely to have economic problems as stressors. The authors conclude that while the difference in suicide rate between men and women is complexly determined, the weight of the evidence suggests that more men than women intend to commit suicide.

Richard C. Fowler

Papers

San Diego suicide study. I. Young vs old subjects

San Diego Suicide Study. III. Relationships between diagnoses and stressors.

San Diego Suicide Study. II. Substance abuse in young cases.

Suicide over 60: the San Diego study.

Some differences between men and women who commit suicide.