计量经济分析 = Econometric analysis

This handbook looks to provide academics and students with a comprehensive and holistic understanding of the phenomenon of innovation. Innovation spans a number of fields within the social sciences and humanities: Management, Economics, Geography, Sociology, Politics, Psychology, and History. Consequently, the rapidly increasing body of literature on innovation is characterized by a multitude of perspectives based on, or cutting across, existing disciplines and specializations. Scholars of innovation can come from such diverse starting points that much of this literature can be missed, and so constructive dialogues missed. The editors of The Oxford Handbook of Innovation have carefully selected and designed twenty-one contributions from leading academic experts within their particular field, each focusing on a specific aspect of innovation. These have been organized into four main sections, the first of which looks at the creation of innovations, with particular focus on firms and networks. Section Two provides an account of the wider systematic setting influencing innovation and the role of institutions and organizations in this context. Section Three explores some of the diversity in the working of innovation over time and across different sectors of the economy, and Section Four focuses on the consequences of innovation with respect to economic growth, international competitiveness, and employment. An introductory overview, concluding remarks, and guide to further reading for each chapter, make this handbook a key introduction and vital reference work for researchers, academics, and advanced students of innovation. Contributors to this volume - Jan Fagerberg, University of Oslo William Lazonick, INSEAD Walter W. Powell, Stanford University Keith Pavitt, SPRU Alice Lam, Brunel University Keith Smith, INTECH Charles Edquist, Linkoping David Mowery, University of California, Berkeley Mary O'Sullivan, INSEAD Ove Granstrand, Chalmers Bjorn Asheim, University of Lund Rajneesh Narula, Copenhagen Business School Antonello Zanfei, Urbino Kristine Bruland, University of Oslo Franco Malerba, University of Bocconi Nick Von Tunzelmann, SPRU Ian Miles, University of Manchester Bronwyn Hall, University of California, Berkeley Bart Verspagen , ECIS Francisco Louca, ISEG Manuel M. Godinho, ISEG Richard R. Nelson, Mario Pianta, Urbino Bengt-Ake Lundvall, Aalborg

The Oxford Handbook of Innovation

Open Innovation: The New Imperative for Creating and Profiting from Technology

The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century Thomas L. Friedman Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005 Thomas Friedman is a widely-acclaimed journalist, foreign affairs columnist for the New York Times, and author of four best-selling books that include From Beirut to Jerusalem (1989). His eminence as a journalist is clearly demonstrated in the way he prepared for The World is Flat. He traveled throughout the world, interviewing in depth the political and business leaders who have the most direct, hands-on knowledge of the truly incredible developments occurring in the business structures and technology of globalization. Only a journalist who moves freely at the highest levels could interview the likes of Sir John Rose, the chief executive of Rolls-Royce; Nobuyuki Idei, the chairman of Sony; Richard Koo, the chief economist for the Nomura Research Institute; Bill Gates of Microsoft; Wee Theng Tan, the president of Intel China; David Baltimore, president of Caltech; Howard Schultz, founder and chairman of Starbucks; Nandan Nilekani, CEO of Infosys in Bangalore - and many others, each of whom gave him the inside story of how, specifically, the barriers of time and space separating economies, workforces, sources of capital, and technical abilities are crumbling. The result of this unfolding story, already far along but with much farther to go, according to Friedman, is that "the world is flat." With some notable exceptions in sub-Saharan Africa and the Islamic swathe, everything is connected with everything else on a horizontal basis, with distance and erstwhile time-lags no longer mattering. Friedman describes in detail the galloping globalization that has unfolded in even so limited a time as the past five years. Under the impetus of a worldwide network of interconnectivity, the world economy is much-changed from what it was at the turn of the century a mere half-decade ago. Friedman quotes the CEO of India's Infosys: "What happened over the last [few] years is that there was a massive investment in technology, especially in the bubble era, when hundreds of millions of dollars were invested in putting broadband connectivity around the world, undersea cables," while (Friedman paraphrases him) "computers became cheaper and dispersed all over the world, and there was an explosion of software - e-mail, search engines like Google, and proprietary software that can chop up any piece of work and send one part to Boston, one part to Bangalore, and one part to Beijing...." Microprocessors today have 410 million transistors compared to the 2800 they had in 1971. And now, "wireless is what will allow you to take everything that has been digitized, made virtual and personal, and do it from anywhere." The effect on productivity is revolutionary: "It now takes Boeing eleven days to build a 737, down from twenty-eight days just a few years ago. Boeing will build the next generation of planes in three days, because all the parts are computer-designed for assembly." The most strikingly informative aspect of this book, however, is not about technology. Most especially, Friedman explores the rapidly evolving global business systems, each constantly regenerating itself to keep ahead of the others. These are systems that span the continents seeking the lowest-cost providers of everything from expert scientific and engineering work to the lowliest grunt work. Friedman points out that India produces 70,000 accounting graduates each year - and that they are willing to start at $100 a month. It is no wonder that Boeing employs 800 Russian scientists and engineers for passenger-plane design when "a U.S. aeronautical engineer costs $120 per design hour, a Russian costs about one-third of that." Friedman describes a call center in India where outbound callers sell "everything from credit cards to phone minutes," while operators taking inbound calls do "everything from tracing lost luggage for U.S. and European airline passengers to solving computer problems for confused American consumers. …

The World Is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century

Business Cycles: A Theoretical, Historical, and Statistical Analysis of the Capitalist Process.

This paper explores the spatial distribution of innovative activity and the role of technological spillovers in the process of knowledge creation across 138 regions of 17 countries in Europe (the 15 members of the European Union plus Switzerland and Norway). The analysis is based on an original statistical databank set up by CRENoS on regional patenting at the European Patent Office spanning from 1978 to 1997 and classified by ISIC sectors (3 digit). In a first step, a deep exploratory spatial data analysis of the dissemination of innovative activity in Europe is performed. Some global and local indicators for spatial association are presented, summarising the presence of a dependence process in the distribution of innovative activity for different periods and sectors. Secondly, we attempt to model the behaviour of innovative activity at the regional level on the basis of a knowledge production function. Econometric results points to the relevance of internal factors (R&D expenditure, economic performance, agglomeration economies). Moreover, the production of knowledge by European regions seems to be also affected by spatial spillovers due to innovative activity performed in other regions.

Spatial Spillovers and Innovation Activity in European Regions

This paper explores the spatial distribution of innovative activity and the role of technological spillovers in the process of knowledge creation and diffusion across 175 regions of 17 countries in Europe (the 15 members of the pre-2004 European Union plus Switzerland and Norway). The analysis is based on a databank set up by CRENoS on regional patenting at the European Patent Office, spanning from 1978 to 2001 and classified by ISIC sectors. The first step is an exploratory spatial data analysis of the dissemination of innovative activity in Europe . The goal of the rest of the paper is to analyse to what extent externalities that cross regional boundaries can explain the spatial association process detected in the distribution of innovative activity in the European regions. The framework given by the knowledge production function together with the use of spatial econometrics techniques allow us to look for insights on the mechanics of knowledge interdependences across regions, which are shown to exist. Empirical results point to the relevance of internal regional factors (R&D expenditure and agglomeration economies). Moreover, the production of knowledge appears to be also affected by spatial spillovers due to innovative activity (both patenting and R&D) performed in other regions. Additional results show that spillovers are mostly constrained by national borders within less than 250 kilometres, and that technological similarity between regions also matters.

http://www-sre.wu-wien.ac.at/ersa/ersaconfs/ersa04/PDF/588.pdf

Spatial spillovers and innovation activity in European regions

In this paper we attempt to provide empirical evidence on the phenomenon of cluster agglomeration of innovation activities throughout time and space in European regions. More specifically we try to assess whether there are some forces which support the development of technologically specialised regional clusters. In particular we want to determine the spatial extent of these forces, their dynamics along the eighties and nineties and their connection with production clustering. We have started from a mapping of innovation activity in European regions by means of an exploratory spatial analysis based on global indicators of spatial dependence. As a result, in a second step, we check the hypothesis that innovation concentration can be a result not only of the geographic concentration of production but also of the development of technologically specialised clusters in neighbouring regions. The analysis is based on a databank set up by CRENoS on regional patenting at the European Patent Office spanning from 1978 to 2001 and classified by ISIC sectors and on the Cambridge Econometrics database on production activity. Among the main results, it is shown that specialisation in innovative activity is positively and significantly influenced by specialisation in production activity. Additionally, it is obtained that innovation tends to cluster more in sectors in which the neighbouring regions are also technologically specialised.

/pdf/geographical-and-sectoral-clusters-of-innovation-in-europe-3w3utf3acj.pdf

Geographical and sectoral clusters of innovation in Europe

This paper investigates the extent to which the gap in total factor productivity between small and large firms is due to differences in the endowment of factors determining productivity and to the returns associated with these factors. We place particular emphasis on the contribution of differences in the propensity to innovate and in the use of skilled labor across firms of different size. Empirical evidence from a representative sample of Spanish manufacturing firms corroborates that both differences in endowments and returns to innovation and skilled labor significantly contribute to the productivity gap between small and large firms. In addition, it is observed that the contribution of innovation to this gap is caused only by differences in quantity, while differences in returns have no effect; in the case of human capital, however, most of the effect can be attributed to increasing differences in returns between small and large firms.

/pdf/decomposing-differences-in-total-factor-productivity-across-2iygog9grg.pdf

Decomposing Differences in Total Factor Productivity Across Firm Size

This article pays special attention to the spatial dimension of public capital in regional economic growth. We assume that the effect of infrastructure on productivity depends on the type of public infrastructure in question: that is, local infrastructures enhance economic activity in the area where they are located, whereas transport and communication infrastructure may produce both benefits in the area where they are located and positive or negative spillovers to other regions. We also obtain conclusions on whether the link between growth and public capital depends on the amount of existing public capital stocks. Results for the Spanish provinces during a long time period suggest that the returns to local infrastructure are much greater than the returns to transportation, although in both cases, we observe strong decreasing returns to their accumulation. Finally, negative spillovers across regions in transport capital investments are obtained.

Rosina Moreno

Papers

Spatial Spillovers and Innovation Activity in European Regions

Spatial spillovers and innovation activity in European regions

Geographical and sectoral clusters of innovation in Europe

Decomposing Differences in Total Factor Productivity Across Firm Size

Returns to Local and Transport Infrastructure under Regional Spillovers