https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/wat2.1404

Implementation of property‐level flood risk adaptation (PLFRA) measures: Choices and decisions

Risk information needs to be communicated by trusted groups, in order to promote attitude and behavior change. We compare different levels of trust in local governments, volunteers in emergency and relief services, and neighbors, and how trust in these groups shapes citizens’ perceptions and actions relating to flood risks.

Structural equation modeling is applied to a sample of 2,007 flood-prone households in Austria. A series of cognitive and behavioral responses to flood risks is regressed on trust shown to the three groups. Our findings show that citizens show great trust and attribute high competence to volunteers, which increases risk perception and reduces denial and wishful thinking. Trust in local government downplays risks, makes citizens rely on external help, and promotes fatalism and wishful thinking. Trust in neighbors increases reliance on social support and reinforces wishful thinking.

These trust effects reflect the roles and risk narratives of the respective groups. To stimulate specific actions of citizens in flood risk management, the group who addresses the desired actions within its narrative should act as risk communicator. Risk communication could be introduced as a complementary activity in voluntary emergency and relief services, wherein older, retired volunteers seem particularly qualified as risk communicators.

Trust and the communication of flood risks: comparing the roles of local governments, volunteers in emergency services, and neighbours.

Despite global efforts to reduce seismic risk, actual preparedness levels remain universally low. Although earthquake-resistant building design is the most efficient way to decrease potential losses, its application is not a legal requirement across all earthquake-prone countries and even if, often not strictly enforced. Risk communication encouraging homeowners to take precautionary measures is therefore an important means to enhance a country's earthquake resilience. Our study illustrates that specific interactions of mood, perceived risk, and frame type significantly affect homeowners' attitudes toward general precautionary measures for earthquakes. The interdependencies of the variables mood, risk information, and frame type were tested in an experimental 2 × 2 × 2 design (N = 156). Only in combination and not on their own, these variables effectively influence attitudes toward general precautionary measures for earthquakes. The control variables gender, "trait anxiety" index, and alteration of perceived risk adjust the effect. Overall, the group with the strongest attitudes toward general precautionary actions for earthquakes are homeowners with induced negative mood who process high-risk information and gain-framed messages. However, the conditions comprising induced negative mood, low-risk information and loss-frame and induced positive mood, low-risk information and gain-framed messages both also significantly influence homeowners' attitudes toward general precautionary measures for earthquakes. These results mostly confirm previous findings in the field of health communication. For practitioners, our study emphasizes that carefully compiled communication measures are a powerful means to encourage precautionary attitudes among homeowners, especially for those with an elevated perceived risk.

Communicating Earthquake Preparedness: The Influence of Induced Mood, Perceived Risk, and Gain or Loss Frames on Homeowners’ Attitudes Toward General Precautionary Measures for Earthquakes

Young people are exposed to and engage in online risky activities, such as disclosing personal information and making unknown friends online. Little research has examined the psychological mechanisms underlying young people's online risk taking. Drawing on fuzzy trace theory, we examined developmental differences in adolescents' and young adults' online risk taking and assessed whether differential reliance on gist representations (based on vague, intuitive knowledge) or verbatim representations (based on specific, factual knowledge) could explain online risk taking. One hundred and twenty two adolescents (ages 13-17) and 172 young adults (ages 18-24) were asked about their past online risk-taking behavior, intentions to engage in future risky online behavior, and gist and verbatim representations. Adolescents had significantly higher intentions to take online risks than young adults. Past risky online behaviors were positively associated with future intentions to take online risks for adolescents and negatively for young adults. Gist representations about risk negatively correlated with intentions to take risks online in both age groups, while verbatim representations positively correlated with online risk intentions, particularly among adolescents. Our results provide novel insights about the underlying mechanisms involved in adolescent and young adults' online risk taking, suggesting the need to tailor the representation of online risk information to different age groups.

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Adolescents' and young adults' online risk taking: the role of gist and verbatim representations

Issue: Healthcare costs have spiraled out of control, yet students and residents may lack the knowledge and skills to provide high value care, which emphasizes the best possible care while reducing unnecessary costs. Evidence: Mainly national campaigns are aimed at physicians to reconsider their test ordering behaviors, identify overused diagnostics, and disseminate innovative practices. These efforts will fall short if principles of high value care are not incorporated across the spectrum of training for the next generation of physicians. Implications: Consensus findings of an invitational conference of 7 medical school teams consisting of academic leaders included strategies for institutions to meaningfully incorporate high value care into their medical school, residency, and faculty development curricula.

Consensus of the Millennium Conference on Teaching High Value Care.

This study investigates the processes that mediate the effects of framing flood risks on people's information needs. Insight into the effects of risk frames is important for developing balanced risk communication that explains both risks and benefits of living near water. The research was inspired by the risk information seeking and processing model and related models. In a web-based survey, respondents (n = 1,457) were randomly assigned to one of three communication frames or a control frame (experimental conditions). Each frame identically explained flood risk and additionally refined the message by emphasizing climate change, the quality of flood risk management, or the amenities of living near water. We tested the extent to which risk perceptions, trust, and affective responses mediate the framing effects on information need. As expected, the frames on average resulted in higher information need than the control frame. Attempts to lower fear appeal by stressing safety or amenities instead of climate change were marginally successful, a phenomenon that is known as a “negativity bias.” Framing effects were mediated by negative attributes (risk perception and negative affect) but not by positive attributes (trust and positive affect). This finding calls for theoretical refinement. Practically, communication messages will be more effective when they stimulate risk perceptions and evoke negative affect. However, arousal of fear may have unwanted side effects. For instance, fear arousal could lead to lower levels of trust in risk management among citizens. Regular monitoring of citizens’ attitudes is important to prevent extreme levels of distrust or cynicism.

You have been framed! How antecedents of information need mediate the effects of risk communication messages.

Using still pictures of emotional facial expressions as experimental stimuli, reduced amygdala responses or impaired recognition of basic emotions were repeatedly found in people with psychopathic traits. The amygdala also plays an important role in short-latency facial mimicry responses. Since dynamic emotional facial expressions may have higher ecological validity than still pictures, we compared short-latency facial mimicry responses to dynamic and static emotional expressions between adolescents with psychopathic traits and normal controls. Facial EMG responses to videos or still pictures of emotional expressions (happiness, anger, sadness, fear) were measured. Responses to 500-ms dynamic expressions in videos, as well as the subsequent 1500-ms phase of maximal (i.e., static) expression, were compared between male adolescents with disruptive behavior disorders and high (n = 14) or low (n = 17) callous-unemotional (CU) traits, and normal control subjects (n = 32). Responses to still pictures were also compared between groups. EMG responses to dynamic expressions were generally significantly smaller in the high-CU group than in the other two groups, which generally did not differ. These group differences gradually emerged during the 500-ms stimulus presentation period but in general they were already seen a few hundred milliseconds after stimulus onset. Group differences were absent during the 1500-ms phase of maximal expression and during exposure to still pictures. Subnormal short-latency mimicry responses to dynamic emotional facial expressions in the high-CU group might have negative consequences for understanding emotional facial expressions of others during daily life when human facial interactions are primarily dynamic.

Subnormal short-latency facial mimicry responses to dynamic emotional facial expressions in male adolescents with disruptive behavior disorders and callous-unemotional traits.

Ruud Zaalberg

Papers

You have been framed! How antecedents of information need mediate the effects of risk communication messages.

Subnormal short-latency facial mimicry responses to dynamic emotional facial expressions in male adolescents with disruptive behavior disorders and callous-unemotional traits.