Originally published in Contemporary Psychology: APA Review of Books, 1994, Vol 39(2), 225. Reviews the book, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion by John Zaller (1992). The author's commendable effort to specify a model of mass opinion formation offers readers an introduction to the prevailing vi

The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion.

Many surveys of the U.S. household population are experiencing higher refusal rates. Nonresponse can, but need not, induce nonresponse bias in survey estimates. Recent empirical findings illustrate cases when the linkage between nonresponse rates and nonresponse biases is absent. Despite this, professional standards continue to urge high response rates. Statistical expressions of nonresponse bias can be translated into causal models to guide hypotheses about when nonresponse. causes bias. Alternative designs to measure nonresponse bias exist, providing different but incomplete information about the nature of the bias. A synthesis of research studies estimating nonresponse bias shows the bias often present. A logical question at this moment in history is what advantage probability sample surveys have if they suffer from high nonresponse rates. Since postsurvey adjustment for nonresponse requires auxiliary variables, the answer depends on the nature of the design and the quality of the auxiliary variables.

Nonresponse Rates and Nonresponse Bias in Household Surveys

To further an understanding of violence against women, a national telephone survey on violence was conducted from November 1995 to May 1996. The survey sampled approximately 8,000 women and 8,000 men, providing comparable data on women's and men's experiences with violent victimization. Study findings provide empirical data on the prevalence and incidence of rape, physical assault, and stalking, as well as information on intimate partner violence and differences in the prevalence of rape and physical assault on women of different racial and ethnic backgrounds. Physical assault was found to be widespread among U.S. women, with 52% of those surveyed reporting physical assault in their lives, and 1.9 reporting physical assault in the last 12 months. Racial and ethnic differences were significant, with Native American women the most likely to report rape and physical assault victimization. Women experienced more partner violence, were more likely to be injured during an assault, and were more likely to have been stalked. Implications for public health and intervention planning are discussed. (Contains 15 exhibits and 24 endnotes.) (SLD) ******************************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. ********************************************************************************

Prevalence, Incidence, and Consequences of Violence Against Women: Findings From the National Violence Against Women Survey

At a time when lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals—often referred to under the umbrella acronym LGBT—are becoming more visible in society and more socially acknowledged, clinicians and researchers are faced with incomplete information about their health status. While LGBT populations often are combined as a single entity for research and advocacy purposes, each is a distinct population group with its own specific health needs. Furthermore, the experiences of LGBT individuals are not uniform and are shaped by factors of race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, geographical location, and age, any of which can have an effect on health-related concerns and needs. While some research about the health of LGBT populations has been conducted, researchers still have a great deal to learn. To help assess the state of the science, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) asked the Institute of Medicine (IOM) to assess current knowledge of the health status of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender populations; to identify research gaps and opportunities; and to outline a research agenda to help NIH focus its research in this area. A committee of experts was convened by the IOM to consider this task, and its findings are presented in its report, The Health of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender People: Building a Foundation for Better Understanding.

The Health of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender People: Building a Foundation for Better Understanding

This study examines if Facebook, one of the most popular social network sites among college students in the U.S., is related to attitudes and behaviors that enhance individuals' social capital. Using data from a random web survey of college students across Texas (n = 2,603), we find positive relationships between intensity of Facebook use and students' life satisfaction, social trust, civic engagement, and political participation. While these findings should ease the concerns of those who fear that Facebook has mostly negative effects on young adults, the positive and significant associations between Facebook variables and social capital were small, suggesting that online social networks are not the most effective solution for youth disengagement from civic duty and democracy.

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Is There Social Capital in a Social Network Site?: Facebook Use and College Students' Life Satisfaction, Trust, and Participation

This book is the most comprehensive analysis ever written about the American public's factual knowledge of politics. Drawing on extensive survey data, including much that is original, two experts in public opinion and political behavior find that many citizens are remarkably well informed about the details of politics, while equally large numbers are nearly ignorant of political facts. And despite dramatic changes in American society and politics, citizens appear no more or less informed today than half a century ago. Michael X. Delli Carpini and Scott Keeter demonstrate that informed persons are more likely to participate, better able to discern their own interests, and more likely to advocate those interests through political actions. Who, then, is politically informed? The authors provide compelling evidence that whites, men, and older, financially secure citizens have substantially more knowledge about national politics than do blacks, women, young adults, and financially less-well-off citizens. Thus citizens who are most disadvantaged socially and economically are least able to redress their grievances politically. Yet the authors believe that a broader and more equitably informed populace is possible. The challenge to America, they conclude, lies in providing an environment in which the benefits of being informed are clearer, the tools for gaining information more accessible, and the opportunities to learn about politics more frequent, timely, and equitable.

What Americans Know about Politics and Why It Matters

Critics of public opinion polls often claim that methodological shortcuts taken to collect timely data produce biased results This study compares two random digit dial national telephone surveys that used identical questionnaires but very different levels of effort: a "Standard" survey conducted over a 5-day period that used a sample of adults who were home when the interviewer called, and a "Rigorous" survey conducted over an 8-week period that used random selection from among all adult household members Response rates, computed according to AAPOR guidelines, were 606 percent for the Rigorous and 360 percent for the Standard study Nonetheless, the two surveys produced similar results Across 91 comparisons, no difference exceeded 9 percentage points, and the average difference was about 2 percentage points Most of the statistically significant differences were among demographic items Very few significant differences were found on attention to media and engagement in politics, social trust and connectedness, and most social and political attitudes, including even those toward surveys

Consequences of Reducing Nonresponse in a National Telephone Survey

Declining contact and cooperation rates in random digit dial (RDD) national telephone surveys raise serious concerns about the validity of estimates drawn from such research. While research in the 1990s indicated that nonresponse bias was relatively small, response rates have continued to fall since then. The current study replicates a 1997 methodological experiment that compared results from a "Standard" 5-day survey employing the Pew Research Center's usual methodology with results from a "Rigorous" survey conducted over a much longer field period and achieving a significantly higher response rate. As with the 1997 study, there is little to suggest that unit nonre- sponse within the range of response rates obtained seriously threatens the quality of survey estimates. In 77 out of 84 comparable items, the two surveys yielded results that were statistically indistinguishable. While the "Rigorous" study respondents tended to be somewhat less politically engaged, they did not report consistently different behaviors or attitudes on other kinds of questions. With respect to sample composition, the Standard survey was closely aligned with estimates from the U.S. Census and other large government surveys on most vari- ables. We extend our analysis of nonresponse to include comparisons with the hardest-to-reach respondents and with respondents who termi- nated the interview prior to completion. SCOTT KEETER is with the Pew Research Center. COURTNEY KENNEDY is with the Pew Research Center and the Joint Program in Survey Methodology. MICHAEL DIMOCK is with the Pew Research Center. JONATHAN BEST is with Princeton Survey Research Associates International. PEYTON CRAIGHILL is with ABC News. Andrew Kohut, president of the Pew Research Center, originated this research project in 1997 and directed the replication study in 2003. The project has benefited from the contributions of numerous Pew staff members, including Carroll Doherty, Elizabeth Mueller Gross, Nilanthi Samaranayake, Nicole Speulda, Jason Owens, and Kate DeLuca. Several other people provided valuable advice in the design of the study. An advisory committee chaired by

Gauging the Impact of Growing Nonresponse on Estimates from a National RDD Telephone Survey

Research in political behavior has increasingly turned to the cognitions underlying attitudes. The simplest of these cognitions are political facts-the bits of information about politics that citizens hold. While other key concepts in political science-partisanship, trust, tolerance-have widely used (if still controversial) measures that facilitate comparisons across time and among studies, the discipline has no generally accepted measure of the public's level of political information. This paper describes the development and testing of survey-based measures of political knowledge, with special attention to the existing items on the National Election Study surveys. In so doing, it illustrates the use of a variety of techniques for item analysis and scale construction. We also present a recommended fiveitem knowledge index.

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Scott Keeter

Papers

What Americans Know about Politics and Why It Matters

Consequences of Reducing Nonresponse in a National Telephone Survey

Gauging the Impact of Growing Nonresponse on Estimates from a National RDD Telephone Survey

Measuring Political Knowledge: Putting First Things First

A New Engagement