Scholars of culture, humanities and social sciences have increasingly come to an appreciation of the importance of the legal domain in social life, while critically engaged socio-legal scholars around the world have taken up the task of understanding "Law's Empire" in all of its cultural, political, and economic dimensions. The questions arising from these intersections, and addressing imperialisms past and present forms the subject matter of a special symposium issue of Social Identities under the editorship of Griffith University's Rob McQueen, and UBC's Wes Pue and with contributions from McQueen, Ian Duncanson, Renisa Mawani, David Williams, Emma Cunliffe, Chidi Oguamanam, W. Wesley Pue, Fatou Camara, and Dianne Kirkby. This paper introduces the volume, forthcoming in late 2007. The central problematique of this issue has previously been explored through the 2005 Law's Empire conference, an informal but vibrant postcolonial legal studies network.

Law's Empire

Theologians abroad have been known to express concern at the apparent lack of interest in contemporary American Protestant thought, which Catholics on this side of the ocean display. If there were this lack of interest, the reasons for it would not be hard to find. American Protestants depend so much on German thinkers that one might as well read the Germans, especially since their theological work has a freshness which the Americans never quite seem to achieve. But there are more radical reasons. In the more important works published in America, profound metaphysical speculation is too frequently marred by a pervasive carelessness about the precise definition and meaning of abstract terms. Even fellow Protestant theologians, as one can gather from the reviews of such books, find it necessary to confess that the author's precise meaning in many points escapes them. The prevailing accent upon novelty and originality in speculation does not improve the situation. A cognate difficulty is the immense patience which the Catholic theologian must exercise with the Protestant theologian's misunderstanding and misstatement of Catholic doctrines about which there is no lack of clarity whatsoever. The Catholic knows the great cost, in terms of intellectual discipline, with which the precision and clarity of his theology are achieved and maintained. He finds it difficult to approach with sympathy any work which evades a similar intellectual discipline both in the precision of the author's own thinking and in the meticulous care with which contrary positions are presented. Both of these difficulties are encountered in The Nature and Destiny of Man, in which Professor Reinhold Niebuhr publishes his series of Gifford lectures. Even to Protestants who are more familiar with him, Niebuhr makes hard reading. He is much more difficult for a Catholic. Morever, he not unfrequently, however unwittingly, misstates the Catholic position. Yet it must be recognized that Niebuhr is a man of reputation amongst our Protestant brethren. He is known as the author of a series of books which have stamped him as a thinker "who is going politically to the Left and theologically to the Right." He has been for a number of years professor at Union Theological Seminary in New York. These lectures were given at the University of Edinburgh in a chair which has been occupied by Archbishop Temple and Sir Charles Sherrington, discussing the same subject matter. He was chosen, therefore, to represent American Protestant theology in a very distinguished setting. These facts may justify the present attempt to set forth some of the salient ideas of Professor Niebuhr's two volumes. Because of the difficulty alluded to above, there is a not inconsiderable danger that this review may in some instances fail of perfect accuracy in representing Niebuhr's views. To minimize this danger we shall, so far as possible, let the

On the nature and destiny of man

This dissertation critically examines how U.S. print media sought to represent the realities of decolonizing and newly independent countries in West Africa by focusing on pivotal events and charismatic leaders from the “non” vote in Guinea in 1958 to the radical appeal of Amilcar Cabral in Guinea-Bissau in 1973. The framing and agenda setting of mainstream media coverage turned leaders and events into metonyms not only for peoples and nations but also for Africa and Africans as a whole. However, the complexities of West Africa, such as political rivalry in the Congo or civil war in Nigeria, troubled such representations. Thus this dissertation tracks the widening of coverage and opening up of representations in African American and New Left print media in a time of global unrest as well as Cold War. INDEX WORDS: West Africa, U.S. media, Cold War, Agenda setting, Framing, Decolonization COVERING AFRICA IN THE AGE OF INDEPENDENCE: DIVERGENT VOICES IN U.S. PRINT MEDIA, 1957-1975

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Covering Africa in the Age of Independence: Divergent Voices in U.S. Print Media, 1957-1975

10.1080/14649357.2012.731210 Original image by Libby Porter, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia In 2009, the People of Color Interest Group (POCIG) sponsored a round table at the annual Associ...

What's Love Got To Do With It? Illuminations on Loving Attachment in Planning

This paper examines the debate between Liam Gearon and Robert Jackson concerning the politicisation of religious education. The debate concerns the extent to which secularisation frames religious education by inculcating politically motivated commitments to tolerance, respect and human rights. Gearon is critical of a supposed ‘counter-secularisation’ narrative that, he argues, underpins the REDCo project (Religion in Education. A Contribution to Dialogue or a Factor of Conflict in Transforming Societies of European Countries), suggesting that the politicising assumptions behind REDCo in fact extend rather than counter secularisation. Although Jackson’s rejoinder to Gearon is robust and largely accurate, I suggest that it misses the basic challenge that religious education serves political ends. I argue that both Gearon and Jackson are enframed at a more fundamental level by a particular view of religion. The problem of pluralism is not, as Gearon supposes, a consequence of the secular framing of r...

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Who’s Afraid of Secularisation? Reframing the Debate Between Gearon and Jackson

This article explores the theme of love and the political in the thought of Hannah Arendt by examining her attitude toward such kinds of love as eros, philia, agape, cupiditas, caritas, compassio, fraternitas. Arendt generally regards love as unpolitical because of its inherent inclination to exclude the outside world. But she has shown a sustained interest in the relationship between love and the political. Arendt's concern for love is dictated by her search for a new, public, and artificial vinculum—or bond. This public bond, what Arendt calls amor mundi, is basically grounded in the notion of political friendship. I argue that amor mundi would be of more relevance, if it included not only political friendship but an element of eros as the craving for the durable world as well as two strands of agape—love of forgiveness and an enlarged neighborly love.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0034670500019720

Hannah Arendt on Love and the Political: Love, Friendship, and Citizenship

Toward a Peaceable Future: Redefining Peace, Security and Kyosei From a Multidisciplinary Perspective

In the post-Cold War era, problems of war and peace have become complicated and ambiguous, involving such nonmilitary issues as the north-south dichotomy of power, resource depletion, and globalization of capitalism. To create a twenty-first-century intellectual and theoretical foundation for peace studies, Building New Pathways to Peace considers both the old concepts of tolerance, shalom, and wa, and the relatively new concepts of human security, decent peace, credibility, accountability, plurality, multiculturalism, and transnationalism. It also elucidates impediments to and necessary conditions for actualizing peace.

Building New Pathways to Peace

On Politics and Violence

Contents: Preface PART I: PEACE AND WAR AFTER SEPTEMBER 11 1. Peace Issues in the 'Post-9/11' World Yoshikazu Sakamoto 2. War and Peace in an Age of Terror and State Terrorism Richard Falk 3. Searching for Peace in a World of Terrorism and State Terrorism Johan Galtung 4. Diaspora, Empire, Resistance: Peace and the Subaltern as Rupture(s) and Repetition(s) Lester Edwin J. Ruiz PART II: PACIFISM, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION 5. Kant and Anti-War Pacifism: The Political Theory of the Post-9/11 World Osamu Kitamura 6. Christian Pacifism After 9/11: A Mennonite Perspective Atsuhiro Katano 7. The Problem of Peace and World Order in an Islamic Context: The Case of Modern Japan Norio Suzuki 8. On Constitutional Pacifism in Post-War Japan: Its Theoretical Meanings Shin Chiba PART III: TOWARD PEACE DIPLOMACY, PACIFISM, AND PEACE MOVEMENTS TODAY 9. Upon What Principles Should Foreign Policy Be Based in the 21st Century? Thomas J. Schoenbaum 10. Foreign Policy Pragmatism and Peace Movement Moralism: Can the Gap be Bridged - or Tertium Non Datur? Johan Galtung 11. Globalization and the 21st Century US Peace Movement T.V. Reed 12. A Peaceful Superpower: The Movement Against War in Iraq David Cortright Index

Shin Chiba

Papers

Hannah Arendt on Love and the Political: Love, Friendship, and Citizenship

Toward a Peaceable Future: Redefining Peace, Security and Kyosei From a Multidisciplinary Perspective

Building New Pathways to Peace

On Politics and Violence

Peace movements and pacifism after September 11