The present article presents an integrative theoretical framework to explain and to predict psychological changes achieved by different modes of treatment. This theory states that psychological procedures, whatever their form, alter the level and strength of self-efficacy. It is hypothesized that expectations of personal efficacy determine whether coping behavior will be initiated, how much effort will be expended, and how long it will be sustained in the face of obstacles and aversive experiences. Persistence in activities that are subjectively threatening but in fact relatively safe produces, through experiences of mastery, further enhancement of self-efficacy and corresponding reductions in defensive behavior. In the proposed model, expectations of personal efficacy are derived from four principal sources of information: performance accomplishments, vicarious experience, verbal persuasion, and physiological states. The more dependable the experiential sources, the greater are the changes in perceived selfefficacy. A number of factors are identified as influencing the cognitive processing of efficacy information arising from enactive, vicarious, exhortative, and emotive sources. The differential power of diverse therapeutic procedures is analyzed in terms of the postulated cognitive mechanism of operation. Findings are reported from microanalyses of enactive, vicarious, and emotive modes of treatment that support the hypothesized relationship between perceived self-efficacy and behavioral changes. Possible directions for further research are discussed.

Self-efficacy: toward a unifying theory of behavioral change.

A hypothesized need to form and maintain strong, stable interpersonal relationships is evaluated in light of the empirical literature. The need is for frequent, nonaversive interactions within an ongoing relational bond. Consistent with the belongingness hypothesis, people form social attachments readily under most conditions and resist the dissolution of existing bonds. Belongingness appears to have multiple and strong effects on emotional patterns and on cognitive processes. Lack of attachments is linked to a variety of ill effects on health, adjustment, and well-being. Other evidence, such as that concerning satiation, substitution, and behavioral consequences, is likewise consistent with the hypothesized motivation. Several seeming counterexamples turned out not to disconfirm the hypothesis. Existing evidence supports the hypothesis that the need to belong is a powerful, fundamental, and extremely pervasive motivation.

The need to belong: Desire for interpersonal attachments as a fundamental human motivation.

Hypothesis I: There exists, in the human organism, a drive to evaluate his opinions and his abilities. While opinions and abilities may, at first glance, seem to be quite different things, there is a close functional tie between them. They act together in the manner in which they affect behavior. A person’s cognition (his opinions and beliefs) about the situation in which he exists and his appraisals of what he is capable of doing (his evaluation of his abilities) will together have bearing on his behavior. The holding of incorrect opinions and/or inaccurate appraisals of one’s abilities can be punishing or even fatal in many situations. It is necessary, before we proceed, to clarify the distinction between opinions and evaluations of abilities since at first glance it may seem that one’s evaluation of one’s own ability is an opinion about it. Abilities are of course manifested only through performance which is assumed to depend upon the particular ability. The clarity of the manifestation or performance can vary from instances where there is no clear ordering criterion of the ability to instances where the performance which reflects the ability can be clearly ordered. In the former case, the evaluation of the ability does function like other opinions which are not directly testable in “objective reality’. For example, a person’s evaluation of his ability to write poetry will depend to a large extent on the opinions which others have of his ability to write poetry. In cases where the criterion is unambiguous and can be clearly ordered, this furnishes an objective reality for the evaluation of one’s ability so that it depends less on the opinions of other persons and depends more on actual comparison of one’s performance with the performance of others. Thus, if a person evaluates his running ability, he will do so by comparing his time to run some distance with the times that other persons have taken. In the following pages, when we talk about evaluating an ability, we shall mean specifically the evaluation of that ability in situations where the performance is unambiguous and is known. Most situations in real life will, of course, present situations which are a mixture of opinion and ability evaluation. In a previous article (7) the author posited the existence of a drive to determine whether or not one’s opinions were “correct”. We are here stating that this same drive also produces behavior in people oriented toward obtaining an accurate appraisal of their abilities. The behavioral implication of the existence of such a drive is that we would expect to observe behaviour on the part of persons which enables them to ascertain whether or not their opinions are correct and also behavior which enables them accurately to evaluate their abilities. It is consequently

/pdf/a-theory-of-social-comparison-processes-a3sky0oohg.pdf

A Theory of Social Comparison Processes

https://dradamvolungis.files.wordpress.com/2011/06/self-efficacy-unifying-theory-of-behavioral-change-bandura-1977.pdf

Self-efficacy: Toward a unifying theory of behavioral change☆☆☆

The psychology of interpersonal relations , The psychology of interpersonal relations , کتابخانه دیجیتال و فن آوری اطلاعات دانشگاه امام صادق(ع)

The psychology of interpersonal relations

Cognitive manipulation of pain

Originally published in 1974, this volume examines the behavioural similarities of obese humans and animals whose so-called feeding centre (the ventro-medial hypothalamic nuclei) has been lesioned. Both the obese human and the VMH-lesioned animal seem to share a hyposensitivity to the internal (physiological) cues to eating and hypersensitivity to external cues associated with food. Beginning with a review, these obese animals and the human obese are compared point by point on experimental results reported in the literature. Then, new findings are presented that specifically tested humans for relationships that are well-established for lesioned animals. Next, a theoretical framework integrates the human and animal data to postulate that the relationship of cue prominence and probability of response is stronger for the obese than for normal. The causes for this, and the extension of the basis for the obese’s eating behaviour to other areas, are discussed in light of further experiments that will make this invaluable reading for all concerned with the history of obesity and the issues of regulatory behaviour.

Obese Humans and Rats

When Prophecy Fails

Emotion, Obesity, and Crime

By the use of doctored clocks, the external, food-relevant cue, "dinner time," is manipulated so that some Ss entered an experimental eating situation believing it to be later than their regular dinner time and others believing it to be before dinner time. Obese Ss ate more when they thought that they were eating after their regular dinner hour than they did when they thought that they were eating before their dinner hour. There is no such effect for normal Ss. Additional data relevant to the hypotheses are presented from a questionnaire study of the eating routine and regularity of obese and normal Ss.

http://faculty.uncfsu.edu/tvancantfort/Syllabi/Gresearch/Readings/A_Schachter2.pdf

Stanley Schachter

Papers

Cognitive manipulation of pain

Obese Humans and Rats

When Prophecy Fails

Emotion, Obesity, and Crime

Manipulated time and eating behavior