The twentieth century gave rise to profound changes in traditional sex roles. However, the force of this 'rising tide' has varied among rich and poor societies around the globe, as well as among younger and older generations. Rising Tide sets out to understand how modernization has changed cultural attitudes towards gender equality and to analyze the political consequences of this process. The core argument suggests that women and men's lives have been altered in a two-stage modernization process consisting of (i) the shift from agrarian to industrialized societies and (ii) the move from industrial towards post industrial societies. This book is the first to systematically compare attitudes towards gender equality worldwide, comparing almost 70 nations that run the gamut from rich to poor, agrarian to postindustrial. Rising Tide is essential reading for those interested in understanding issues of comparative politics, public opinion, political behavior, political development, and political sociology.

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Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change Around the World

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Scholarship on work and family topics expanded in scope and coverage during the 2000 – 2010 decade, spurred by an increased diversity of workplaces and of families, by methodological innovations, and by the growth of communities of scholars focused on the work-family nexus. We discuss these developments as the backdrop for emergent work-family research on six central topics: (a) gender, time, and the division of labor in the home; (b) paid work: too much or too little; (c) maternal employment and child outcomes; (d) work-family conflict; (e) work, family, stress, and health; and (f) work-family policy. We conclude with a discussion of trends important for research and suggestions about future directions in the work-family arena.

Work and Family Research in the First Decade of the 21st Century.

The purpose of this article is to review research on the construction of gender ideology and its consequences. The article begins with a summary of research focused on measuring gender ideology—individuals’ levels of support for a division of paid work and family responsibilities that is based on the belief in gendered separate spheres. We describe the ways this concept has been operationalized in widely available data sources and provide a categorization schema for the items used to measure gender ideology. We also review the research predicting gender ideology, focusing on social and demographic characteristics while concurrently examining studies using cross-sectional, trend, and panel data. Finally, this article summarizes research focused on the consequences of gender ideology, both in families and family-related behaviors and in other areas of social life where beliefs about gender are relevant, such as the workplace. We conclude with implications for future research for measurement tools, predictors of gender ideology, and consequences of ideology in individuals’ lives.

Gender Ideology: Components, Predictors, and Consequences

POLITICS ACROSS GENERATIONS: FAMILY TRANSMISSION REEXAMINED M. Kent Jennings University of California, Santa Barbara Laura Stoker University of California, Berkeley Jake Bowers University of California, Berkeley Working Paper 2001-15 Working Papers published by the Institute of Governmental Studies provide quick dissemination of draft reports and papers, preliminary analysis, and papers with a limited audience. The objective is to assist authors in refining their ideas by circulating results and to stimulate discussion about public policy. Working Papers are reproduced unedited directly from the author’s page.

Politics Across Generations: Family Transmission Reexamined

Men's gender ideologies have changed more slowly than women's since the 1970s; this article analyzes the period and cohort processes that underlie men's attitude change and how the individual-level characteristics of conservative men differ by birth cohort. Using multidimensional measures of gender role attitudes from the 1974-1998 General Social Surveys, the author finds that changes in men's attitudes have been brought about both by period influences, especially during the 1970s, and by cohort replacement. Analyses of multivariate interaction effects demonstrate that education has become a much less significant predictor of attitudes for men born after 1945.

CHANGES IN MEN'S CONSERVATIVE GENDER IDEOLOGIES Cohort and Period Influences

The purpose of this article is to examine work–family conflict among low-income, unmarried mothers. Analyzing the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, a national sample of nonmarital births, I examine how social capital affects work–family conflict and how both social capital and work–family conflict affect employment. Results show that social capital reduces unmarried mothers' reports of work–family conflict, especially for low-income women. In addition, mothers who report high levels of conflict are less likely to be employed; this pattern holds for women who are looking for work and those who are not. However, even at high levels of conflict, low-income women are more likely to be employed. The results suggest that work–family conflict has two consequences for unmarried women: It keeps them out of the labor force and makes it more difficult for women who want to work to maintain employment stability.

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Single Mothers, Social Capital, and Work–Family Conflict

This study asks how cohabiters' housework patterns vary by their marital intentions. I draw on interactionist theories that view housework as an activity that produces gender and family to hypothesize that cohabiters who are more invested in their relationships will spend more time on housework. Analyzing the 1987-1988 National Survey of Families and Households (N = 348), I find that, controlling for sociodemographic and household differences, men who are least committed to their relationships spend the least time on homework, whereas women's housework time is not affected by marital intentions. Key Words: cohabitation, division of household labor, gender inequality, housework. Cohabitation has become an increasingly common living arrangement in the United States. The 2000 Census (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001) counted 5.5 million unmarried heterosexual couples sharing a household; in 1990, there were only 2.9 million (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000). In addition to couples who are currently cohabiting, many have cohabited sometime in the past. In fact, the majority of marriages in the United States, both first marriages and remarriages, now begin with cohabitation (Smock, 2000). For most couples, cohabitation is a relatively short-term arrangement, with about 55% of cohabiting couples marrying and 40% dissolving within 5 years (Bumpass & Lu, 2000). These dissolution rates, however, vary by race; African Americans are more likely than Whites to cohabit as a long-term alternative to marriage (Brown, 2000). Most research on cohabitation tends to study its patterns and characteristics primarily in relationship to marriage, and much of this research fails to acknowledge differences among cohabiters. For example, Nock (1995) finds that compared to married couples, cohabiters tend to express lower levels of relationship commitment, less relationship satisfaction, and poor quality relations with kin. Brown and Booth (1996), however, find that these differences exist only among cohabiting couples who do not plan to marry their partners. Those who do plan to marry their partners have relationships that look very similar to those of married couples. Similar to the research on relationship quality, research on housework patterns in cohabitation tends to compare cohabiters with married couples without considering differences among cohabiters (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer, & Robinson, 2000; Shelton & John, 1993; South & Spitze, 1994). In this article, I revisit the research on cohabitation and housework and ask how cohabiters' marital intentions affect the division of household labor. I find preliminary evidence that cohabiting men who are less invested in their relationships spend less time on housework than men who are more invested, while marital intentions have no effect on cohabiting women's housework time. COHABITATION AND HOUSEWORK The research on housework among cohabiters has found two consistent patterns. First, cohabiting women tend to spend less time on housework than married women, about 5 to 6 fewer hours per week (Bianchi et al., 2000; Shelton & John, 1993). This difference persists even after compositional differences, such as the presence of children and employment hours, have been controlled. The second pattern is that even though cohabiting women are spending less time on housework than married women are, they are spending more time than cohabiting men (Gupta, 1999; Shelton & John; South & Spitze, 1994). Gupta finds that in transitioning to and from coresidential unions (cohabitation or marriage), women increase their housework hours when they move in with men and decrease them when they move out, whereas the opposite pattern holds for men. Thus, although the gender gap in housework is smaller in cohabitation than in marriage, it does persist. Several explanations for these patterns have been offered, some of which may account for differences in housework patterns within cohabitation across marital intentions. …

Cohabitation and Housework: The Effects of Marital Intentions

Teresa Ciabattari Melinda Messineo Renee A. Monson Rifat A. Salam Theodore C. Wagenaar Jeffrey Chin, Co-Chair Susan J. Ferguson, Co-Chair Margaret Weigers Vitullo, Staff Liaison Patrick Archer Maxine P. Atkinson Jeanne H. Ballantine Thomas C. Calhoun Paula England Rebecca J. Erickson Andrea N. Hunt Kathleen S. Lowney Suzanne B. Maurer Mary S. Senter Stephen Sweet The Sociology Major in the Changing Landscape of Higher Education: Curriculum, Careers, and Online Learning

The Sociology Major in the Changing Landscape of Higher Education: Curriculum, Careers, and Online Learning

n 2000, sociologist Annette Lareau published Home Advantage, a book that changed the converI sation about parental involvement in elementary education. Lareau conducted fieldwork at two elementary schools, one middle class and one working class, to explore how social and cultural capital, or their absence, shape the inter-relationships between families and schools. She finds that middle-class parents have cultural knowledge and social networks that they can leverage to improve their child’s educational experiences. The working-class parents do not. This differential access to cultural and social capital creates inequalities in children’s educational experiences and, ultimately, educational success. Thus, achieving social justice in education requires analysis of inequalities in not only financial and human capital across schools, but also social and cultural capital. This may require educators and researchers to question some of the basic assumptions on which the discourse about school-family partnerships is based. One of my favorite accounts from Lareau’s (1987) fieldwork concerns the juxtaposition between Open Houses for parents at each of the schools. At the middle-class school, the Open House was described by a teacher as a “cocktail party without cocktails” (Lareau, 1987, p. 78). Parents and teachers were laughing, talking, mingling easily. The classroom emitted a buzz of comfort and good cheer. At the working-class school, in contrast, the classroom was quiet, conversation was stilted, parents spoke mostly with their own children rather than with teachers or other parents, and parents appeared to be generally uncomfortable. These contrasting scenes exemplify for me an issue fundamental to understanding linkages between parents and schools. Middle-class parents possess the social and cultural resources to feel at home in an education environment. They view the teachers as equals, have high education credentials, feel entitled to direct their child’s classroom experiences, and have social networks that include educators as well as other parents at the school. In contrast, the working-class parents tend to have less formal education than the teachers, view the teachers as professionals with specialized knowledge to which the parents do not have access, rely on teachers to direct the child’s educational experiences, and have more kin-based social networks made up of adults in working-class occupations similar to their own. In other words, the working-class parents have fewer academically oriented social and cultural resources than the middle-class parents have, and how they relate to the school, and to education in general, is shaped as a result. This inequality directly affects how teachers perceive parents’ commitment to education and the childs chances for educational success. Schools spend a lot of time and energy encouraging parents to get involved in the education of their children. Even with this well-intentioned encouragement, differences in parental participation persist. Many teachers express frustration that working-class parents do not seem to value education (Lareau, 2000). However, most parents, even those who are not involved in ways the schools would prefer, are very invested in their childs education. They see their role as preparing their children for learning, making sure they are wellrested, well-fed, polite, clean, on time, and ready to work (Lareau, 2000; Lopez, 2001). They defer to the teacher, as the professional and the expert, to know what is best for a child’s education: “Just as they viewed doctors as having a specialized body of knowledge that was beyond their comprehension, the parents felt that they were not capable of understanding the specialized knowledge of teach-

Teresa Ciabattari

Papers

CHANGES IN MEN'S CONSERVATIVE GENDER IDEOLOGIES Cohort and Period Influences

Single Mothers, Social Capital, and Work–Family Conflict

Cohabitation and Housework: The Effects of Marital Intentions

The Sociology Major in the Changing Landscape of Higher Education: Curriculum, Careers, and Online Learning

Issue in Education: Cultural Capital, Social Capital, and Educational Inequality