Showing papers in "Journal of Marriage and Family in 2004"

The deinstitutionalization of American marriage

Abstract: This article argues that marriage has undergone a process of deinstitutionalization—a weakening of the social norms that define partners’ behavior—over the past few decades. Examples are presented involving the increasing number and complexity of cohabiting unions and the emergence of same-sex marriage. Two transitions in the meaning of marriage that occurred in the United States during the 20th century have created the social context for deinstitutionalization. The first transition, noted by Ernest Burgess, was from the institutional marriage to the companionate marriage. The second transition was to the individualized marriage in which the emphasis on personal choice and self-development expanded. Although the practical importance of marriage has declined, its symbolic significance has remained high and may even have increased. It has become a marker of prestige and personal achievement. Examples of its symbolic significance are presented. The implications for the current state of marriage and its future direction are discussed. A quarter century ago, in an article entitled ‘‘Remarriage as an Incomplete Institution’’ (Cherlin, 1978), I argued that American society lacked norms about the way that members of stepfamilies should act toward each other. Parents and children in first marriages, in contrast, could rely on well-established norms, such as when it is appropriate to discipline a child. I predicted that, over time, as remarriage after divorce became common, norms would begin to emerge concerning proper behavior in stepfamilies—for example, what kind of relationship a stepfather should have with his stepchildren. In other words, I expected that remarriage would become institutionalized, that it would become more like first marriage. But just the opposite has happened. Remarriage has not become more like first marriage; rather, first marriage has become more like remarriage. Instead of the institutionalization of remarriage,

The Effects of Work Demands and Resources on Work-to-Family Conflict and Facilitation

Abstract: This article uses a differential salience-comparable salience approach to examine the effects of work demands and resources on work-to-family conflict and facilitation. The analysis is based on data from 1,938 employed adults living with a family member who were interviewed for the 1997 National Study of the Changing Workforce. The results support the differential salience approach by indicating that time- and strain-based work demands show relatively strong positive relationships to work-to-family conflict, whereas enabling resources and psychological rewards show relatively strong positive relationships to work-to-family facilitation. The availability of time-based family support policies and work-family organizational support is negatively related to conflict and positively related to facilitation, thereby supporting the comparable salience approach.

Family Structure and Child Well‐Being: The Significance of Parental Cohabitation

Abstract: Data from the 1999 National Survey of America's Families (N = 35,938) were used to examine the relationship between family structure and child well-being. I extended prior research by including children in two-biological-parent cohabiting families, as well as cohabiting stepfamilies, in an investigation of the roles of economic and parental resources on behavioral and emotional problems and school engagement. Children living in two-biological-parent cohabiting families experience worse outcomes, on average, than those residing with two biological married parents, although among children ages 6–11, economic and parental resources attenuate these differences. Among adolescents ages 12–17, parental cohabitation is negatively associated with well-being, regardless of the levels of these resources. Child well-being does not significantly differ among those in cohabiting versus married stepfamilies, two-biological-parent cohabiting families versus cohabiting stepfamilies, or either type of cohabiting family versus single-mother families.

The Role of Cohabitation in Family Formation: The United States in Comparative Perspective

Abstract: The prevalence of nonmarital cohabitation is steadily increasing in the United States. In evaluating the contribution of this new living arrangement to family formation, analysts have relied primarily on comparisons between individuals who cohabit and those who do not. We complement this line of inquiry by comparing the United States and 16 industrialized nations. We first identify six conceptually distinct ideal types of cohabitation with respect to family formation. We then propose empirical indicators to distinguish between the different ideal types, and estimate the values of these indicators for each of the 17 nations. Our findings indicate that although a number of countries fit an empirical pattern corresponding to one ideal type, cohabitation in the United States is more difficult to characterize.

Are Gay and Lesbian Cohabiting Couples Really Different from Heterosexual Married Couples

Abstract: Both partners from gay and lesbian cohabiting couples without children were compared longitudinally with both partners from heterosexual married couples with children (N at first assessment = 80, 53, and 80 couples, respectively) on variables from 5 domains indicative of relationship health. For 50% of the comparisons, gay and lesbian partners did not differ from heterosexual partners. Seventy-eight percent of the comparisons on which differences were found indicated that gay or lesbian partners functioned better than heterosexual partners did. Because the variables that predicted concurrent relationship quality and relationship stability for heterosexual parents also did so for gay and lesbian partners, I conclude that the processes that regulate relationship functioning generalize across gay, lesbian, and heterosexual couples.

Educational differences in parents' time with children: Cross-national variations

Abstract: We analyze time diary data from 24,546 married mothers and married fathers in Canada, Germany, Italy, and Norway to determine whether the effect of education on child-care time varies cross-nationally. Our results indicate that more educated mothers spend more time with children than less educated mothers in each country, despite substantial cross-national variation in levels of economic support and services for families. This suggests that better educated mothers may have different parental values and behaviors than less educated mothers. Among fathers, however, education has no effect on child-care time in Norway, and only weak effects in Germany. This suggests that family policies that provide economic support to families may reduce time constraints on fathers, thus ameliorating educational effects.

Searching for wages and mothering from afar: the case of Honduran transnational families.

Abstract: This article draws on data from a 2-year two-country study that included 157 people to explore the survival strategies of poor Honduran transnational families. I argue that transnational families defined as those divided between two nation-states who have maintained close ties depend on a cross-border division of labor in which productive labor occurs in the host country and reproductive labor in the home country. This article bridges the literatures on transnationalism and families. The transnationalism literature tends to focus on macro processes whereas the literature on families assumes proximity. This research helps fill the gap in both literatures exposing the ways in which processes of economic globalization have radically altered family form and function. (authors)

Flat Broke with Children: Women in the Age of Welfare Reform

Abstract: Hailed as a great success, welfare reform resulted in a dramatic decline in the welfare rolls—from 4.4 million families in 1996 to 2 million in 2003. But what does this \"success\" look like to the welfare mothers and welfare caseworkers who experienced it? In Flat Broke With Children, Sharon Hays tells us the story of welfare reform from inside the welfare office and inside the lives of welfare mothers, describing the challenges that welfare recipients face in managing their work, their families, and the rules and regulations of welfare reform. Welfare reform, experienced on the ground, is not a rosy picture. The majority of adult welfare clients are mothers—over 90 percent—and the time limits imposed by welfare reform throw millions of these mostly unmarried, desperate women into the labor market, where they must accept low wages, the most menial work, the poorest hours, with no benefits, and little flexibility. Hays provides a vivid portrait of their lives—debunking many of the stereotypes we have of welfare recipients—but she also steps back to explore what welfare reform reveals about the meaning of work and family life in our society. In particular, she argues that an inherent contradiction lies at the heart of welfare policy, which emphasizes traditional family values even as its ethic of \"personal responsibility\" requires women to work and leave their children in childcare or at home alone all day long. Hays devoted three years to visiting welfare clients and two welfare offices, one in a medium-sized town in the Southeast, another in a large, metropolitan area in the West. Drawing on this hands-on research, Flat Broke With Children is the first book to explore the impact of welfare reform on motherhood, marriage, and work in women's lives, and the first book to offer us a portrait of how welfare reform plays out in thousands of local welfare offices and in millions of homes across the nation.

The best of ties, the worst of ties: Close, problematic, and ambivalent social relationships

Abstract: This study builds on research addressing intergenerational ambivalence by considering emotional ambivalence toward the wider social network. Men and women ages 13 to 99 (N - 187) completed diagrams of their close and problematic social relationships. Social ties were classified as solely close, solely problematic, or ambivalent, based on network placement (n = 3,392 social contacts). Multilevel models revealed that individuals viewed certain close familial ties (e.g., spouse, son or daughter, parent, sibling) with greater ambivalence than they viewed more distal family ties, friendships, or acquaintances. Participants classified more acquaintances than other relationships as solely problematic. Feeling closer to a social partner was associated with increased ambivalence. Older adults were more likely to classify their relationships as solely close than as ambivalent, in comparison with younger adults. Discussion focuses on tension and closeness in familial and nonfamilial relationships. Key Words: ambivalence, emotion, intergenerational relationships, kin, social network, spouse. Positive consequences of close family ties and negative consequences of problematic family ties have been well documented (e.g., Antonucci, 2001; Fingerman, 2001a; Rook, 1984). Mixed sentiments (i.e., positive and negative feelings) toward social partners may present unique challenges to individuals, however (e.g., Fingerman & Hay, 2004; Rook; Uchino, Holt-Lunstad, Uno, & Flinders, 2001). For example, loving family members who become overly involved with an individual's stressful life events may exacerbate those stressors (Fingerman & Hermann, 2000; Morgan, 1989; Rook, 2003). A burgeoning literature has brought intergenerational ambivalence to the fore of family science (e.g., Connidis & McMullin, 2002b; Luscher, 2002; Luscher & Pillemer, 1998; Pillemer & Suitor, 2002; Willson, Shuey, & Elder, 2003). Yet, studies have not addressed ambivalence in the broader social network. In this study, we consider the types of social partners whom individuals experience as primarily close, primarily problematic, or with mixed sentiments. Definition and Measurement of Ambivalence In examining ambivalence, it is important to consider variability in definitions and measurement across studies. Luscher and Pillemer (1998) distinguished between sociological ambivalence and psychological ambivalence with regard to intergenerational ties. Sociological ambivalence involves incompatible normative expectations (e.g., with regard to status, roles, or norms) that present structural challenges in social relationships. Much discussion in the family literature has focused on this form of ambivalence (e.g., Connidis & McMullin, 2002b; Luscher, 2002; Pillemer & Suitor, 2002). Psychological ambivalence occurs at the subjective individual level and has to do with contradictions in cognitions, emotions, and motivations such as holding contradictory opinions or feelings toward the same object (Hodson, Maio, & Esses, 2001; Petty & Wegener, 1998; Priester & Petty, 2001; Weigert, 1991). In this study, we examined psychological ambivalence by assessing the types of relationships that people define as primarily close, primarily problematic, or mixed. Prior studies have shown that perceptions of closeness in a relationship are associated with positive sentiments such as feeling loved and cared for (Antonucci & Akiyama, 1987; Newsom, Morgan, Nishishiba, Rook, 2003; Rossi & Rossi, 1990). Relationship tensions vary in definition but appear to be associated with negative feelings such as irritation and annoyance (Birditt & Fingerman, 2003; Hingerman, 2001a). Theorists argue that all close tics include at least some degree of conflict (Deutsch, 1973; Sillars & Scott, 1983). Yet, these conflicts may be fleeting and may not taint the relationship on the whole. In this study, we examined overarching sentiments about relationships as close and problematic-or some combination of both sentiments-rather than brief emotional experiences. …

Social Capital and the Interplay of Families and Schools

Abstract: Families and schools are two primary sources of social capital in the early life course. This study examines the degree to which these different contexts overlap to shape adolescent development. Multilevel modeling on nationally representative data (n = 11,927) revealed that emotionally distant relationships with parents were associated with declining academic achievement over 2 years of secondary schooling and that various aspects of the social environments of schools were associated with increasing academic achievement during this same period. Additionally, adolescents who had more social capital at home often benefited more from social capital at school. Key Words: adolescence, ecology, parenting, schooling, social capital. The ecology of human development is a complex web of personal relationships, social settings, and institutions that influence developmental trajectories independently and interactively. In the early life course, families and schools represent arguably the two primary ecological contexts (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). As such, both have been major foci of developmental research, but such research has tended to view them in isolation from each other. Recognizing and exploring the overlap between the two, however, is a necessary step in advancing knowledge about the developmental significance of each of these contexts and the intricate nature of the larger ecology. This study takes this step by investigating how the academic functioning of young people is related to their family and school environments and to the intersection of the two. The theoretical motivation for this research is drawn from the ecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998) and the concept of social capital (Coleman, 1988). The first argues that development is shaped by microcontexts, such as families and schools, but also by the mesolevel interactions between them. The second refers to the resources that can be accessed through social relations. Bringing the two together, developmental research in family studies and education can benefit from examining the transmission of social capital in families and schools and how these different conduits of social capital can reinforce or counterbalance each other. Thus, this study examines families' lack of social capital in terms of weak affective bonds between parents and adolescents; the presence of social capital in schools in terms of the interpersonal and normative climate of the student body; and the role of the mesolevel ecological interaction between the two in adolescent academic achievement. The significance of this study is both conceptual and methodological. First, it better captures the essence of ecology by viewing major settings as intertwined rather than isolated from each other (Call & Mortimer, 2001). This approach can be adapted to other stages of the life course (e.g., the intersection of work and family in adulthood), thereby benefiting research on human development more generally. Second, unlike other family-focused studies that have introduced the school, this study examines the characteristics of the school itself rather than aspects of the child's functioning in school (Crosnoe, Erickson, & Dornbusch, 2002). Third, it draws parallels between families and schools by conceptualizing the school as an interpersonal environment rather than simply an educational institution (McNeal, 1997). Fourth, it draws on nationally representative data and multilevel modeling techniques well suited to these tasks. FAMILY-BASED SOCIAL CAPITAL AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT The concept of social capital has been applied rather loosely in contemporary research, but it essentially refers to the resources that flow through relationship ties. Such ties can be viewed on the microlevel, in terms of personal relationships, or the macrolevel, in terms of social networks or institutions. Information, norms, and support are three general types of resources that can flow through these ties to enhance individual functioning (Bourdieu, 1987; Coleman, 1988; Sampson, Morenoff, & Earls, 1999). …

Exercise Time: Gender Differences in the Effects of Marriage, Parenthood, and Employment

Abstract: Using data from a supplement to the 1995 National Health Interview Survey, this article examines the relationship among three major work and family roles—marriage, parenthood, and employment—and time spent on exercise among American men and women ages 18 to 64 (N = 13,496). As the time availability perspective suggests, work and family roles curtail time for exercise. Married adults spend less time on exercising than unmarried adults. Although the number of children is not related to time spent on exercising, having children under age 5 is negatively associated with exercising. Long hours of employment are also related to less time spent on exercising, although the effect is small. Across the board, women spend less time on exercising than men, but the negative association of work and family roles, especially the role of spouse, with time for exercise is greater for men than for women.

Ambiguous Loss Research, Theory, and Practice: Reflections after 9-11.

Abstract: This article contains an overview of three decades of research, theory development, and clinical application about ambiguous loss. Although the work includes both physical and psychological types of ambiguous loss, the focus is the aftermath of 9/11 (September 11, 2001), when the World Trade Center collapsed following terrorist attacks. On the basis of her previous work, the author was asked to design an intervention for families of the missing. She reflects on what she learned from this unexpected test and presents new propositions and hypotheses to stimulate further research and theory that is more inclusive of diversity. She suggests that scholars should focus more on universal family experience. Ambiguous loss is just one example. Encouraging researchers and practitioners to collaborate in theory development, she concludes that research-based theory is essential to inform interventions in unexpected times of terror, and in everyday life.

Dependence within families and the division of labor: Comparing Sweden and the United States

Abstract: This article assesses the relative explanatory value of the resource-bargaining perspective and the doing-gender approach for the division of housework in the United States and Sweden from the mid-1970s to 2000. The data used are the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) and the Swedish Level of Living Survey. Overall results show that housework was truly gendered work in both countries during the entire period. Even so, the results indicate that, unlike Swedish women, U.S. women seem to increase their time spent in housework when their husbands are to some extent economically dependent on them, as if to neutralize the presumed gender deviance on the part of their spouses.

The time squeeze: Parental statuses and feelings about time with children

Abstract: Policy makers, parents, and the public are concerned with perceived declines in parents’ time with children. Data from two national surveys (N = 1,159 and N = 821) used in this study show that nearly half of parents report feeling too little time with children. Work hours are strongly related to these feelings, even controlling for time spent with children, and explain why fathers more than mothers feel time strain. For fathers, those whose youngest child is an adolescent feel more strain than similarly situated mothers. Controlling for work hours, single parents are not more likely than married parents to feel that they spend insufficient time with children.

A cross‐cultural test of the work‐family interface in 48 countries

Abstract: This study tests a cross-cultural model of the work-family interface. Using multigroup structural equation modeling with IBM survey responses from 48 countries (N = 25 380) results show that the same work-family interface model that fits the data globally also fits the data in a four-group model composed of culturally related groups of countries as well as a two-group gender model. This supports a transportable rather than a culturally specific or gender-specific work-family interface model: notably job flexibility related to reduced work-family conflict reduced family-work conflict and enhanced work-family fit. Work-family fit related to increased job satisfaction. Findings suggest that investment by multinational companies in job flexibility initiatives may represent a dual-agenda way to benefit men women and businesses in diverse cultures. (authors)

Understanding and Altering the Longitudinal Course of Marriage

Abstract: Weak and counterintuitive findings linking couples' interactional processes to marital outcomes have prompted new lines of research on how marriages change. Recent findings reviewed here highlight the value of (a) expanding conceptions of marital interaction by considering how social support and positive affect moderate the effects of problem-solving skills on changes in marital quality; (b) examining partners' individual strengths and vulnerabilities as antecedents of marital aggression and hostile interaction; and (c) recognizing the central role of chronic and acute circumstances in governing fluctuations in spouses' judgments of marital quality. We outline implications of these findings for ongoing efforts to prevent adverse marital outcomes, and for recent federal initiatives to strengthen healthy marriages among people with low incomes.

Cross‐national variations in the division of household labor

Abstract: Using data from the International Social Justice Project, we describe the division of household labor in married couple households using a sample of 13 nations (N = 10,153). We find significant differences in the division of household labor based upon respondents' nations of residence. We find support for the time availability approach; households where the wife is employed outside the home for pay are more likely to respond that husbands perform at least half of the household labor. We also find support for the relative resources approach; in households where wives' education equals or exceeds that of their husbands, husbands are more likely to perform half of the household labor. We find little support for the economic dependence approach. We suggest that future cross-national research should place individuals in context to determine why there are nation differences in the reported division of household labor. Key Words: cross-national, division of household labor, housework. Families as social institutions perform similar tasks regardless of social context. Families serve as sites for teaching children how to be a part of the larger society. They also serve as the location for reproductive labor. It remains to be seen whether the processes through which these tasks are performed are the same across social contexts. More specifically, are the factors predicting who performs the reproductive household labor the same across social contexts? The purpose of this research is to analyze reports of the division of household labor in married-couple households using data from the International Social Justice Project and to focus on five key issues: (a) Are there differences in the division of household labor between husbands and wives based upon their nation of residence? (b) Is there cross-national empirical support for the relative resources approach that explains the division of household labor? (c) Is there cross-national empirical support for the economic dependency approach that explains the division of household labor? (d) Is there cross-national empirical support for the time availability approach that explains the division of household labor? and (e) Do the factors that predict the reported division of household labor differ based upon the respondent's gender? BACKGROUND Studies based in the United States have shown that although the amount and proportion of household labor spouses perform have changed since the 1960s, gender continues to be the best single predictor of the time spent doing housework. Although American women's time spent doing housework has decreased and men's time spent doing housework has increased since 1965 (Robinson, 1997), women continue to perform the lion's share of household labor (see Coltrane, 2000, for a recent review). To explain inequalities in task allocation, social scientists have developed several conceptual approaches. We focus on three of these approaches. The relative resources approach takes an exchange-based perspective, such that the division of housework reflects the resources that women and men bring to their relationships. Individuals with the most resources (e.g., earnings, education) use those resources to negotiate a favorable division of labor for themselves. This perspective presumes that household labor is viewed negatively by both spouses, and that both actively work to reduce their load (Shelton & John, 1996). In general, the research literature supports this perspective, although there are differences based upon the kind of relative resource measured. A related approach is the economic dependency approach (Brines, 1993), which suggests that housework is "women's work" because of wives' economic dependency upon their husbands. Because of this dependency, wives allocate more time to domestic work than their husbands do. The time availability perspective focuses on family members' time allocation between market and domestic work (Hiller, 1984). …

Remarriage, Unmarried Cohabitation, Living Apart Together: Partner Relationships Following Bereavement or Divorce

Abstract: Substantial proportions of people enter into new partner relationships after bereavement or divorce. Nowadays in Europe, unmarried cohabitation and living-apart-together relationships are frequently opted for at repartnering. Drawing on the Netherlands' Living Arrangements and Social Networks survey of men and women aged 55 to 89 years (N = 4,494), this article explicates the determinants that lead widowed or divorced people to enter into old and new types of partner relationships. Cox proportional hazard regression analyses revealed that age at most recent union dissolution, the number of partner dissolutions, working during and after the most recent union dissolution, and other demographic variables are important in weighing the pros and cons of different types of living arrangements. Key Words: cohabitation, coresidence, older adults, remarriage. For those still in first marriage, the increase in life expectancy results in a longer duration of the partner bond through aging together. A growing percentage of divorced adults (Wu & Penning, 1997) face the possibility of long periods of living alone. Some divorced and widowed people remarry, but unmarried cohabitation, and so-called living-apart-together relationships-where partners maintain separate households and finances and share living quarters on an intermittent or temporary basis-are becoming more common in Northern and Western Europe (Bumpass, Sweet, & Martin, 1990; Chevan, 1996; Davidson, 2002; de Jong Gierveld & Peelers, 2003; Karllson & Borell, 2002; Stevens, 2002; Waite, 1995; Wu & Balakrishnan, 1994). Elderly people's strategies to maintain an optimal level of social well-being are addressed in socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1992). In this theory, the primacy of social goals is expected to be related to time constraints. When time is perceived to be limited, as is the case for many older adults, emotional goals assume primacy over the acquisition of knowledge. Empirical research has shown that older adults prefer familiar social relationships, and "older couples regulate emotion in a way that should help preserve what is a very important late-life relationship-marriage" (Carstensen, 1995, p. 155). The theory emphasizes preserving familiar close relationships (Carstensen, Isaacowitz, & Charles, 1999). Until now, however, the formation of new emotionally close relationships among older adults has not been widely examined within the theory (Lang, 2001). In this article, I investigate the incidence of repartnering and the determinants that lead adults to enter into a new partner relationship. In doing so, I differentiate between those who remarry, start a consensual union, or begin a living-apart-together relationship. BACKGROUND New Partner Relationships in Later Life: Goals, Opportunities, and Restrictions Living alone in later life after widowhood or divorce increases the risks of loneliness, but living with a partner might be helpful in increasing well-being (de Jong Gierveld, 1998; van Baarsen & Broese van Groenou, 2001). Men in particular appear to adapt less easily to the loss of their partners (Lee, Willets, & Seccombe, 1998), and benefit more than women from partner relationships (Antonucci, 1994; Bograd & Spilka, 1996; Cooney & Dunne, 2001). Finding a new partner may be an attractive option for older adults, especially men (Dykstra, 1990) who feel deprived of the taken-for-granted attentive activities that were carried out for them by their former wives (Mason, 1996). Others, particularly widows, might hesitate to give up the freedom and independence they enjoyed after coming to terms with bereavement (Lopata, 1996; Pyke, 1994). In opting for either living alone or sharing a household with a new partner, one has to weigh the pros and cons of both options. Sharing a household-that is to say, living as a couplemay provide people with personal care, reciprocal attention and support, companionship, and the division of household tasks. …

The Process of Entering into Cohabiting Unions

Abstract: Over one half of young adults have lived or will live with a partner before marriage. Many studies indicate that the majority of cohabitors plan to marry their partners, yet research examining relationship progression is rare. This article deciphers the processes underlying entrance into informal unions. Data are from 25 open-ended interviews with cohabitors who had lived together for at least 3 months. For many, the relationship progressed rapidly; over one half moved in with partners within 6 months of initiating romantic relationships. Primary reasons for cohabiting included finances, convenience, and housing needs; cohabiting as a trial marriage was not mentioned as the principal reason for moving in together. Plans for marriage remain abstract even when respondents determine that they and their partners are compatible. Key Words: cohabitation, living arrangements, relationships, union formation, young adult transitions. Over the past few decades, the courtship process has changed dramatically. Among the most notable societal shifts is the growing prevalence and acceptance of cohabiting relationships-couples living together in intimate heterosexual unions without being married. Today, the majority of young adults approve of nonmarital cohabitation (Axinn & Thornton, 2000; Bumpass & Sweet, 1989; Thornton & Young-DeMarco, 2001). More than half of all young adults who were in their 20s and 30s in the 1990s had shared a home and a bed with an opposite sex partner without being married (Bumpass & Sweet, 1995). Further, the majority over one half) of all recent marriages were preceded by a period of cohabitation (Raley, 2000), and many more individuals lived with a partner without subsequently marrying him or her (Bumpass & Sweet, 1989; Bumpass, Sweet, & Cherlin, 1991; Raley, 2000). Even as cohabitation has become a normative step in the transition to adulthood, relatively little is known about how young adults decide to enter into cohabitation, when in their relationships such a transition occurs, and what such a step means to them. Common portrayals of cohabitation, reinforced by quantitative research strategies, have frequently viewed cohabitation as a precursor to marriage. Many contemporary young adults indicate that living together is a good way to "try out" a relationship, and many intend to cohabit if they have not already (Bumpass et al., 1991; Thornton & Young-DeMarco, 2001). Studies focusing on cohabitors themselves also report that the majority have definite plans to wed their partners (Brown, 2000; Lichter, Batson, & Brown, 2004; Manning & Smock, 2002). These studies often convey the impression, perhaps mistakenly, that marriage is a clear goal for those entering cohabiting unions. Whether that is the view of cohabitors themselves is debatable, as this study will show. Today's young adults have opportunities for education, employment, and intimate relationships that are far more abundant than were available to previous generations. The majority continue to expect marriage in their future (Thornton & Young-DeMarco, 2001). In a time of rapid social change-economic shifts, childhood experiences with family disruption, and questioning of gendered family roles-trial coresidential unions may be viewed as an increasingly important way of moderating the risks inherent in romantic relationships (Cancian, 1987; Clarkberg, Stolzenberg, & Waite, 1995; Raley, 2000). Many young people express the belief that living together will help them pick out a better life partner for marriage (Bumpass et al., 1991; Thornton & Young-DeMarco). The research reported here asks whether cohabitation serves such a purpose. Notwithstanding repeated calls to pay more attention to the courtship process (Bolton, 1961; Smock & Manning, 2001; Surra, 1990), surprisingly little research has focused on the factors that individuals consider when deciding to live together. …

Racial and Ethnic Diversity in Nonresident Father Involvement

Abstract: This study is the first to examine racial and ethnic diversity in nonresident father involvement for multiple domains of father involvement. Data come from a sample of 5,377 adolescents with nonresident fathers in the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). In addition to contact, we explore more intensive types of involvement and qualities of the father-child relationship that tap key dimensions of social capital found to be especially important in promoting child well-being. We find racial/ ethnic differences for many aspects of father involvement, some of which can be explained by structural differences, especially father's education and nonmarital childbearing. Our findings suggest that White youth with less educated fathers experience the greatest loss of social capital by living apart from their fathers. Key Words: children, divorce, ethnicity, fathers, race. Nearly one half of U.S. children will experience living without a biological father for some period during their childhood (Bianchi, 1990; Bumpass, 1984). The influence of nonresident fathers on offspring can be substantial, but it is highly variable (Amato & Gilbreth, 1999). Patterns of father's influence vary by race and ethnic diversity, which, in turn, are linked to socioeconomic status differences as well as family history characteristics (e.g., nonmarital birth, single-parent status). We have developed a conceptual framework that integrates these factors to evaluate the extent to which nonresident fathers affect offspring's social capital. Research on nonresident parenting has been criticized for the lack of attention to how involvement by fathers varies by characteristics that represent the increasing diversity of families in the United States (Arditti, 1995). In particular, few studies examine the parenting behavior of nonresident fathers in ethnic minority groups. The few existing national studies are limited to Black-White comparisons regarding father visitation, although Hispanics occasionally are included as a third group. Findings are mixed, with inconsistent effects of race on visitation reported in the literature (Cooksey & Craig, 1998). Some studies report that Black fathers visit more frequently than non-Blacks (e.g., King, 1994; Mott, 1990; Seltzer, 1991), but others find no difference (e.g., Seltzer & Bianchi, 1988). Two studies found that Hispanic fathers were most likely never to visit their children (King; Seltzer & Bianchi, 1988). The first aim of this study is to contribute to our understanding of nonresident father involvement by examining diversity among several racial/ethnic groups for a variety of domains of father involvement, documenting whether and where differences exist. We explore multiple ways that nonresident fathers are involved in the lives of their adolescent children-tapping critical dimensions of social capital resources that fathers can provide to children despite living apart from them-which in turn have implications for understanding racial/ ethnic differences in child well-being. The second aim of this study is to ascertain whether racial and ethnic differences in both the amount and types of involvement are due mainly to socioeconomic and demographic differences that exist among the groups-differences in education and income and family history factors such as family structure, nonmarital births, and immigration. Aponte (1999) argues that much of what passes for cultural differences among families really stems from these structural factors, particularly socioeconomic status, but that prior studies have not had the appropriate data to demonstrate this empirically. Does the weight of the evidence support this view with regard to nonresident father involvement? The third aim of this study is to determine whether racial/ethnic differences in nonresident father involvement vary by the father's level of education. This possibility is ignored in the literature, but research on men's family-related attitudes and behaviors suggests important interactions between race/ethnicity and the father's education (Cazenave & Leon, 1987; Lawson & Thompson, 1999). …

Playing Well with Others in Kindergarten: The Benefit of Siblings at Home

Abstract: There are many reasons to expect that children gain something by growing up with siblings, yet there is surprisingly scant evidence of this advantage. Indeed, the vast majority of research assessing the consequences of siblings reports negative effects: Children with many siblings do not perform as well in school as children with few siblings. By focusing almost exclusively on educational outcomes, however, previous studies have neglected ways in which children might benefit from siblings. One possibility, for example, is that siblings promote children's social and interpersonal skills. In this study, we analyze a sample of kindergartners (N = 20,649) from The Early Childhood Longitudinal Study—Kindergarten Class of 1998–99 to replicate the often-noted negative relationship between number of siblings and cognitive outcomes, and then demonstrate that this pattern does not extend to social skills. Findings are consistent with the view that children negotiate peer relationships better when they grow up with at least one sibling.

Paternal Involvement with Children: The Influence of Gender Ideologies

Abstract: Although prior social science research has established the ability of gender ideologies to influence the domestic division of labor, it has neglected to disentangle their potentially unique influence on paternal involvement with children. Past research examining the influence of gender ideology on parenting behaviors does not acknowledge potential differences that may result from accounting for each parent's gender ideology. Using both waves of the National Survey of Families and Households (N = 1,088), I assess the effect of both mother's and father's gender ideology on two measures of paternal involvement. Whereas egalitarian fathers demonstrate greater involvement than traditional fathers, mother's gender ideology failed to predict paternal involvement. Egalitarian mothers do not appear to negotiate greater father involvement successfully.

Children's Influence on Family Dynamics: The Neglected Side of Family Relationships

Abstract: Children's Influence on Family Dynamics: The Neglected Side of Family Relationships Ann C Crouter & Alan Booth (Eds) Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum 2003 269 pp ISBN 0-8058-4271-3 $5995 Many years of diligent study have informed our understanding of child development in the context of the family Through this work, robust and consistent findings have shown that parents are the key in predicting child developmental outcomes What has been given less attention, both in research and in popular literature, is the possibility that children are capable of influencing their parents In a provocative volume, Ann Crouter and Alan Booth, in Children's Influence on Family Dynamics: The Neglected Side of Family Relationships, bring to bear work from some of the leading researchers in the field of child development to explore this intriguing question This edited volume is presented in four sections Each section is dedicated to a particular age group or research question relating to how children are substantially influential in evoking behaviors, thoughts, and/or emotions from their parents that differentially affect the child's development Using a unique and dialectic format, the editors present seminal papers at the beginning of each section, followed by responses to those particular papers The first section of the book is dedicated to an in-depth discussion of behavioral genetic research and its relation to environmental research The authors provide the reader with a thorough discussion about the work in behavior genetics and the role that genetics have in explaining how children influence various family interactions David Reiss suggests that our old way of partitioning variance to explain genetic and environmental effects is an ineffective way to understand family relationships The authors pose questions about how genes manifest themselves over the course of development, discuss the importance of abandoning the "Equal Environment Assumption," and present potential adoption and intervention designs In the second section of the book, temperament becomes the focal point of dialogue Susan Crockenberg and Esther Leerkes acknowledge that 20 years of research relating to child and family interactions includes assessing the effects of negative infant emotionality on maternal caregiving behavior The authors in this portion of the book bring into question the constructs that we currently use to describe and assess specific behaviors of both infants and caregivers For example, Cynthia Stifter calls our attention to our definitions of "difficult temperament" and "parenting sensitivity" (p 79) In addition to questioning familiar constructs, Stifter critiques current methodologies used to study "transactive processes" James McHale, Kathryn Kavanaugh, and Julia Berkman similarly argue that as researchers, we do not acknowledge the nature of infant signaling and, in light of that, we cannot accurately estimate maternal sensitivity "So, who is a sensitive parent?" (p 95) Further, how do different caregiving adults respond to and ascribe meaning to one infant providing repeated signaling effort? The section is concluded with Pamela Cole discussing how the use of transactional models can be used to map child effects on parents, but is strong in her message that "caregivers can and will play the most crucial role in the path from child effects to child effectiveness" (p 117) Unfortunately, her argument does not follow with the spirit of the discussion but instead reinforces the consistently powerful belief that regardless of how children come into the world, it is the parent's job to redirect development gone awry The third section of the book offers what is perhaps the most provocative discussion in the volume: The authors broach the question of how parents monitoring their adolescents can have impact on reducing delinquency In an incredibly promising study, Margaret Kerr and Hakan Stattin provide evidence that parents who reduce their monitoring efforts of their teenagers who exhibit delinquent behaviors are not causing their child's delinquent behavior but instead are reacting to it …

The changing importance of white women's economic prospects for assortative mating

Abstract: Given recent changes in the labor force participation and economic standing of women, we ask whether a woman's position in the labor market has become a more important determinant of her position in the marriage market. Unlike much prior research on trends over time in assortative mating, we take an individual-level approach to the analysis and rely on improved measures of labor market position, such as measuring wives' wages before marriage and considering multiple indicators of husbands' longer term economic standing. Our analysis relies on data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Young Women (N = 759) and the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (N = 767). Our results are consistent with growth over time in the importance of women's earnings potential in determining their marriage prospects. Key Words: family, mate selection, socioeconomic factors, United States. The question of who marries whom is a central organizing feature of social life. Prior research has established that people tend to seek spouses with particular characteristics and prefer to marry within their own social group (e.g., Fu, 2001; Hout, 1982; Kalmijn, 1991; Mare, 1991). Departures from homogamy have also attracted attention among social scientists because such patterns of assortative mating convey important information regarding which individuals and groups perceive themselves to be social equals. Gender asymmetries in the socioeconomic characteristics of marriage partners have been of particular interest because they are thought to reflect culturally important differences in the social and economic roles of men and women. Indeed, theory from economics and sociology suggests that marriage markets may differentially reward the economic characteristics of men and women, with good labor market position a more highly valued trait in potential husbands than potential wives. Yet recent changes in factors related to marriage in contemporary societies-particularly the improved labor market position of women and increases in their labor force participation-have contributed to social scientists' growing interest in investigating shifts over time in patterns of assortative mating. To the extent that current cohorts of women spend more of their lives in the labor market than did previous cohorts, we might expect an increased emphasis on women's economic characteristics for marriage. Indeed, a model of marriage in which both men and women seek spouses with good labor market prospects underlies much recent research on marriage timing and assortative mating. Some empirical evidence does point to an increasing association between the educational attainment and occupational characteristics of spouses in the United States (e.g., Kalmijn, 1994; Marc, 1991). However, most prior research has examined cross-sectional samples of marriages existing at a particular point in time and has not directly considered the contribution of women's wages to their position in the marriage market. Both factors suggest the need for additional research to test hypotheses about the changing importance of women's economic prospects for marriage behavior. The set of preferences and constraints underlying observed patterns of assortative mating is complex, as is the conceptualization and measurement of assortative mating outcomes themselves. This analysis investigates a particular dimension of assortative mating: We ask whether women's wages have become more important over time as a determinant of their position in the marriage market. In testing this hypothesis, we offer several important extensions on previous research. First, we use longitudinal data and take an individual-level approach to the analysis, which has several notable advantages over most previous studies. For example, our analysis is less affected by attrition through divorce than are studies examining the characteristics of married couples in cross-sectional samples. We measure wives' wages rather than their earnings or occupational status to reflect earnings potential because the latter measures are expected to be more heavily influenced by postmarriage variation in women's labor supply. …

Cohabitation in the United States and Britain: Demography, kinship, and the future

Abstract: Cohabitation is a rapidly changing aspect of family life in the United States and Britain. This article describes the demography of cohabitation, considers the place of cohabitation in the kinship system, and speculates on the future of cohabitation. I argue that three processes-cohort replacement, socialization that occurs when children live with cohabiting parents, and social diffusion-will foster continued increases in rates of cohabitation. These processes are also likely to increase variation in the types of cohabiting relationships that couples form. Understanding the meaning of cohabitation in the kinship system requires distinguishing between individuals' attitudes about their own relationships and the composition of cohabiting unions at the population level. Key Words: cohabitation, family change, kinship, marriage. Academics frequently present papers that they have already written. It is less common to write a paper after it has been presented. This article was originally prepared as one of three presentations for the plenary session "Cohabitation and Marriage in Western Countries" at the 2003 conference of the National Council on Family Relations (NCFR). The session was on the last day of the conference, and many conference participants had already attended a series of sessions on marriage and cohabitation. It is not possible for a written presentation to capture the excitement and taken-for-granted knowledge that this continuing conversation provided. This JMF symposium, however, provides a valuable opportunity to move the debates about marriage and cohabitation forward by recombining presentations and commentary in ways not possible at the NCFR conference. I thank Paul Amato, who organized the conference, and Alexis Walker, who organized this symposium, for providing these forums. A goal of our session was to address three questions about heterosexual cohabitation in different Western countries to provide insight into variation in the causes and consequences of cohabitation in different institutional settings. My remarks emphasize cohabitation in the United States, the setting I know better, but I highlight similarities between cohabitation in the United States and Britain. Family researchers have a history of using data from British studies to inform an understanding of family processes in the United States (e.g., Cherlin et al., 1991) because aspects of the social context in both countries are similar. Comparative studies of cohabitation also group the United States with Britain (Kiernan, 2002). In addition to these similarities, there are intriguing differences between the two settings, such as the greater racial and ethnic diversity in U.S. family patterns. I believe that these differences provide insights into the meaning of cohabitation. I address the three broad questions that motivated our plenary session. As in many standardized tests, the questions progress in degree of difficulty: 1. What is the demography of cohabitation? 2. What is the place of cohabitation in the kinship system? Is it a courtship stage or an alternative to marriage? 3. What is the future of cohabitation? DEMOGRAPHY OF COHABITATION One reason that the question about the demography of cohabitation is easier to answer than the other questions is that the past several decades have seen an explosion of rich new data on cohabiting unions. I use evidence from others' research to describe levels, trends, and differentials in cohabitation; the stability of cohabiting unions; and the relationship between cohabiting and childbearing (for more complete reviews, see Seltzer, 2004, and Smock, 2000). Levels and Trends Today, nearly 4.6 million U.S. households are maintained by heterosexual cohabiting couples (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004, Table QT-P18), reflecting a dramatic increase over the past 40 years. Figure 1 shows that in 1960, there were just over 0.4 million cohabiting couples. …

Changes in Conjugal Life in Canada: Is Cohabitation Progressively Replacing Marriage?.

Abstract: This article aims first to contrast the trends of marriage and cohabitation across different regions in Canada, and second, to assess whether cohabitation constitutes a new stage in the progression to marriage, or an alternative to marriage altogether. Based on various empirical demographic indicators, the analysis shows profound differences across the country. In Quebec, cohabiting unions are now widely accepted as forming the basis for family life, whereas they still largely constitute a childless prelude to marriage elsewhere in Canada. The authors discuss the role of different religious and cultural backgrounds, and of recent changes in the relationships between men and women, in accounting for the divergent evolution observed. Key Words: Canada, cohabitation, marriage, nonmarital births, partnership transition, union instability. In the last 30 years, most Western countries have witnessed formidable changes in the foundation of the family institution. Demographic indicators point to a postponement of marriage and to a decline in the proportion of individuals who are likely to marry during their lifetime. Marriage has also been characterized by growing levels of instability, with divorce rates showing that it is not that uncommon among these countries to find that one marriage out of two is likely to dissolve. The dramatic increase in cohabiting unions over the last 30 years-first as a way for young adults to start their conjugal life, and more recently, as an environment in which to start and raise a family-further led researchers to question the "future of marriage" (title of Jessie Bernard's well-known book, and the theme of the 2003 National Council on Family Relations [NCFR] annual conference). Currently, the recognition of same-sex marriage has prompted debates about the meaning of marriage. How has the institution of marriage changed in recent decades, and how do these changes vary across cultures and across countries? These are some of the questions that were raised at the 2003 NCFR conference. One of the ways to document the weakening of marriage and its change in meaning is to look more closely at the progression of cohabitation over time. This was the focus of the plenary session, "Cohabitation and Marriage in Western Countries," in which we were invited to present a paper. More specifically, we were asked first to describe the demographic trends of marriage and cohabitation in Canada, and second, to assess whether cohabitation constitutes a new stage in the progression to marriage or an alternative to marriage altogether. After addressing these issues, we close by discussing possible explanations underlying the observed changes. By contrasting the evolution of demographic behaviors adopted across the different regions in Canada, we show that cohabitation has reached different stages of development in Quebec as opposed to elsewhere in Canada, as formulated by Kiernan (2001). In the former, cohabitation seems now to be nearly indistinguishable from marriage, as it is in Sweden, whereas in the latter, cohabitation is still accepted predominantly as a childless phase of conjugal life, as is the case in the United States. THE DECLINE OF MARRIAGE Profound changes have transformed the conjugal life of Canadians in recent decades. Figure 1 presents the evolution of total female marriage rates, calculated by combining marriage vital statistics and census population counts, and exemplifies the fall of marriage over the last 30 years. These rates show the proportions of women within synthetic cohorts who would marry at least once if the behaviors observed in any given year were to last. As can be seen in Figure 1, marriage was still very popular throughout the 1960s; more than 9 women out of 10 would marry over the course of their life. In the mid-1970s, marriage started to lose ground progressively, and by the turn of the century, just slightly over half of women were expected to marry in Canada. …

Dollars, Dependency, and Divorce: Four Perspectives on the Role of Wives’ Income

Abstract: This article delineates and assesses the evidence for four perspectives that have guided previous research on the relationship between wives' economic resources and marital stability. Hypotheses from these perspectives were tested using event history methods and 1980-1997 panel data for 1,704 individuals from the Marital Instability Over the Life Course study. Both wives' dollar income and wives' percentage of total family income served as measures of wives' economic resources. The association between wives' percentage of income and divorce formed an inverted U-shaped curve, with the odds of divorce being highest when wives contributed between approximately 40% and 50% of the total family income. When wives' resources were measured in dollars, wives' income showed a positive, linear association with the odds of divorce. These findings provide the strongest support for an equal dependence perspective, which argues that economic dependence and obligation influence marital stability. Key Words: divorce, economic independence, equal dependence, wives' income. Despite considerable research, firm conclusions regarding the relationship between wives' economic resources and marital stability have remained elusive. Previous research has been guided by differing conceptualizations of this relationship, has used a variety of data sources and analytic techniques, and has reached mixed conclusions (White & Rogers, 2000). For example, some research has found that wives' economic resources are positively associated with the risk of divorce (Booth, Johnson, White, & Edwards, 1984; Heidemann, Suhomlinova, & O'Rand, 1998). Contrasting findings have indicated that wives' economic resources are negatively associated with the risk of divorce (Conger et al., 1990). Other findings have suggested an inverted U-shaped relationship between wives' economic resources and divorce, with the risk of divorce being highest when husbands and wives have similar resources (Heckert, Nowak, & Snyder; 1998; Nock, 1995, 2001). Still other research has suggested a U-shaped relationship in which the risk of divorce is lowest when husbands' and wives' resources are similar (Coltrane, 1996; Ono, 1998, Risman & Johnson-Sumerford, 1998). My goal in this research was to move toward a clearer understanding of the relationship between wives' economic resources and divorce by (a) delineating four perspectives that guide much previous research in this area, and (b) comparing the evidence for these perspectives using panel data from a large, nationally representative sample of individuals. These data contained detailed, prospective information regarding husbands' and wives' employment and income, family economic experiences, marital quality, and divorce for the 17-year period from 1980 to 1997. I conducted a series of analyses to test hypotheses involving direct, mediating, and moderating relationships suggested by four different perspectives. WIVES' INCOME AND DIVORCE: FOUR PERSPECTIVES Figure 1 presents heuristic models of the expected relationship between wives' economic resources and the risk of divorce (also see Table 4). I refer to these four perspectives as the economic independence, equal dependence, role collaboration, and economic partnership perspectives. Economic Independence As Figure 1 indicates, the economic independence perspective suggests that wives' resources, particularly their actual income, are positively associated with the risk of divorce. Marital stability is enhanced by wives' economic dependence on husbands and by a clear, complementary division of marital roles. As wives' income increases, they should feel more economically independent of their husbands (Becker, 1981; Parsons, 1959). Increases in their actual income and in their percentage contributions also may increase the likelihood that wives perceive the household division of labor as inequitable, challenge their husbands' power as head of the household, and experience greater marital dissatisfaction. …

Status compatibility, physical violence, and emotional abuse in intimate relationships

Abstract: This article analyzing national data (N = 7,408) examines the connection between men's and women's relative economic contributions in families and the risk of husband-to-wife physical violence and emotional abuse. Family violence researchers have conceptualized the association between economic variables and the risk of intimate partner violence with respect to the structural dimensions of sociodemographic factors, whereas feminist researchers connect economic power to family dynamics. Marital dependency and stress frustration theories treat income, education, and employment as socioeconomic resources, whereas some feminist research points to the need for research that treats these economic variables as symbolic resources. Although income and educational attainment reduce women's risk of physical violence and emotional abuse by husbands, I find that status incompatibilities between partners that favor women increase the likelihood of emotional abuse.

The world historical transformation of marriage

Abstract: Key Words: arranged marriage, family change, history of marriage, love. For the past several years, I have had the disconcerting but exhilarating privilege of ranging back and forth over a time span of 5,000 years in my readings on marriage and family life. In the book I am just finishing on the history of marriage, I have pushed my studies further back into the past than I have ever ventured before. But as the national cochair and press liaison for the Council on Contemporary Families, it was also my job to stay on top of the exciting new research that appears in journals such as this one. Being able to combine these two projects has helped me gain a better perspective on both the historical trends in marriage and the contemporary debates about its future. I have spent much of my career as a historian explaining to people that many things that seem new in family life are actually quite traditional. Two-provider families, for example, were the norm through most of history. Stepfamilies were more numerous in much of history than they are today. There have been several times and places when cohabitation, out-of-wedlock births, or nonmarital sex were more widespread than they are today. Divorce was higher in Malaysia during the 1940s and 1950s than it is today in the United States. Even same-sex marriage, though comparatively rare, has been accepted in some cultures under certain conditions. Similarly, many societies have had a very casual attitude toward what deserves recognition as a marriage. The "tradition" that marriage has to be licensed by the state or sanctified by the church is more recent than most people assume. In ancient Rome, for example, the difference between cohabitation and legal marriage was entirely subjective. It depended solely upon the partners' intent. And I am more than a little bemused when people talk about the traditional sanctity of the Christian wedding ceremony. For more than a thousand years, the Catholic church took the position that if a man and woman claimed that they had exchanged words of consent, whether in the kitchen or out by the haystack, then they were married. In the process of writing this book, however, I have shifted my focus. I still believe that when it comes to any particular practice or variation on marriage, there is really nothing new under the sun. But when we look at the larger picture, it is clear that the social role and mutual relationship of marriage, divorce, and singlehood in the contemporary world is qualitatively different from anything to be found in the past. Almost any separate way of organizing caregiving, childrearing, residential arrangements, sexual interactions, or interpersonal redistribution of resources has been tried by some society at some point in time. But the coexistence in one society of so many alternative ways of doing all of these different things-and the comparative legitimacy accorded to many of them-has never been seen before. The contemporary revolution in marriage and family life is what historians sometimes call an overdetermined phenomenon-something that has so many separate causes and aspects that getting rid of one, two, or even several elements of the change would not reverse it. Divorce and single parenthood have both been common in many societies in the past, but they almost never coexisted with the right of women to initiate the divorce, or the ability of so many single women to actually support themselves and their children. The extraordinary increase in the economic independence and legal equality of women has reshaped the social landscape of family life. It has put a new spin on almost every contemporary aspect of marriage (and of nonmarriage), even if some of our contemporary features superficially resemble something in the past. The rise of new forms and patterns of cohabitation has had similar far-reaching effects, as many contributors to this issue point out. And the legal gains for unmarried heterosexual and same-sex partners have challenged the ways that marriage traditionally organized people's rights and responsibilities on the basis of biology and gender. …

The gendered division of labor and family outcomes in germany

Abstract: The literature on the predictors of the division of household labor continues to expand, but the effect of this division on family outcomes has not been explored. Using the German SocioEconomic Panel (N = 628), I analyze the effect of men s participation in housework and child care on the likelihood of second birth and divorce. Fathers' greater relative child-care time increases couples' odds of second birth, attenuating the negative effect of mothers' employment. Husbands' relative housework time is insignificant in predicting second birth or divorce among couples with at least one child, but increases the likelihood of divorce among childless couples. This is evidence that the division of domestic labor affects family outcomes, but effects differ depending on the outcome and presence of children. Key Words: divorce, fertility, gendered division of labor, longitudinal analysis. Wives' increasing labor force participation was expected to lead to a revolution in the gendered division of labor, a revolution that "stalled" at the door of most households (Hochschild, 1989). Although the division of paid labor continues to dissolve, the division of domestic labor remains firmly gendered and female (Blossfeld & Drobnic, 2001; Gershuny, 2000). In industrialized countries, husbands' average domestic participation is about one third of the time contribution of wives (Gershuny). One explanation for why the gendered division of domestic labor persists is that couples "do" gender to reflect normative expectations of social identities as women and men within the intimate sphere of marriage (Berk, 1985; West & Zimmerman, 1987). For example, U.S. married women contribute more and married men fewer hours toward domestic tasks than either does in his or her single state (South & Spitze, 1994), and where U.S. women are the primary breadwinners, they are even more likely to do a greater share of domestic tasks (Brines, 1994; Hochschild, 1989). Families, however, are a locus of struggle, not an uncontested, stable gendered domain (Hartmann, 1981). Consequently, the gendered division of domestic labor might have repercussions for subsequent family outcomes. Although some research has looked at the effects of the division of housework on individual outcomes such as wages and work effort (Becker, 1985; Bielby & Bielby, 1988; Coverman, 1985; McAllister, 1990); marital satisfaction (Perry-Jenkins & Folk, 1994; Robinson & Spitze, 1992; Yogev & Brett, 1985) or conflict (Blair, 1993; Lye & Biblarz, 1993); and physical (Ross & Bird, 1994) or psychological wellbeing (Bird, 1999; Glass & Fujimoto, 1994; Mirowsky, 1996; Ross, Mirowsky, & Huber, 1983), none has explored whether the division of domestic labor affects future family decisions. Gupta (1999) analyzed the causal link between marital status and housework time, but not vice versa. So it remains unknown whether husbands' even modest contributions to domestic tasks have a significant effect on the likelihood of two key family outcomes: fertility and marital stability. Here, I use event history analysis of the German SocioEconomic Panel to explore whether the division of domestic labor alters the likelihood of either second birth or divorce. Germany is chosen for three reasons. First, the gendered division of labor has been encouraged by German labor market policy, family transfers, and other social provisions (Ostner, 1993). It is therefore the ideal country in which to test the fundamental assumptions of the dominant family model described in the next section. second, because the household division of labor changes as family members move into and out of employment and as family demands increase and decrease, effects on subsequent family transitions are best analyzed with longitudinal data where both adults are interviewed at regular intervals, which is the case with the German SocioEconomic Panel. U.S. panels are either conducted infrequently or have limited measures of domestic tasks and rely on a single household respondent, whereas other national panels have started more recently. …