Showing papers by "Thomas Heberer published in 2002"

China, the European Union and the United States of America

Abstract: This working paper brings together assessments of the trilateral relations between China, the EU und the US from the disciplines of political science and economics. The first paper primarily addresses the following three issues: a) China's current development and prospects b) EU-China relations, and c) recommendations in terms of EU policies towards China. The second paper applies a three tier analysis looking first at changes in the Chinese and global economic setting caused by China's WTO accession. It then takes a look at the bilateral economic relations between China and the EU and US respectively. Finally the scored goals and competing interests of the USA and the EU vis-a-vis China are analysed.

China, the European Union and the United States of America: Partners or competitors?

Abstract: This working paper brings together assessments of the trilateral relations between China, the EU und the US from the disciplines of political science and economics. The first paper primarily addresses the following three issues: a) China's current development and prospects b) EU-China relations, and c) recommendations in terms of EU policies towards China. The second paper applies a three tier analysis looking first at changes in the Chinese and global economic setting caused by China's WTO accession. It then takes a look at the bilateral economic relations between China and the EU and US respectively. Finally the scored goals and competing interests of the USA and the EU vis-a-vis China are analysed.

Asian Crisis and Political Change: Discourses on Political Reform in East and Southeast Asia

Abstract: Beyond the economic dimension of the crisis in East and Southeast Asia in the late 1990s there is also a political dimension which has generated a discourse on questions of political reform, change and democratisation. The repercussions of the economic crisis have contributed to a fresh political discourse, which pushed forward new and sometimes unexpected suggestions for change. In this article, state and society are not regarded as spheres separated from each other but, rather, as interconnected spheres. This interconnection is also the vantage point for an analysis of the intellectual discourses within a given society, which are seen as markers of change in the political setting. Case studies of four countries of the region - China, Japan, Malaysia and Vietnam - reveal developments that can be typified in two ways. First, there is an emphasis on the extent to which local experiences of political culture can contribute to democratisation processes as well as on the way in which destabilising factors in democratisation processes can be absorbed by introducing local instruments of political participation. Secondly, whilst there are clear parallels in this respect between all the countries in the region, forms of transnational exchange and discourse are growing. International influence and pressure stemming from globalisation have at the same time tangibly improved discourse opportunities in authoritarian states in the region.

Der 11. September und die Folgen in Asien: Politische Reaktionen in der VR China, Japan, Malaysia und Vietnam

Abstract: Die Staaten der Welt haben auf die Terroranschlage des 11. September 2001 und die nachfolgenden Militarschlage gegen Afghanistan unterschiedlich reagiert. In der Region Ost- und Sudostasien waren die Staaten je nach Position im Gefuge der internationalen Beziehungen und je nach innerer Beschaffenheit - z.B. Anteil der Muslime an der Bevolkerung - betroffen. Trotz der unterschiedlichen Betroffenheit und der daraus resultierenden unterschiedlichen Reaktionen auf die Ereignisse sind aber auch Gemeinsamkeiten im innen- und ausenpolitischen Verhalten erkennbar. Die politischen Reaktionen Chinas, Japans, Malaysias und Vietnams zeigen deutlich, dass Politik jenseits des geteilten Entsetzens uber die Ausmase des internationalen Terrorismus doch in erster Linie von nationalen Interessen bestimmt wird.

Strategische Gruppen und Staatskapazität: Das Beispiel der Privatunternehmer in China

Abstract: Der Aufsatz erlautert zunachst den Begriff der "strategischen Gruppen", sodann deren Interessenlagen, ehe er auf die transformatorischen und strategischen Potenziale eingeht. Schlieslich wird erortert, in welcher Weise Unternehmer Staatskapazitat beeinflussen. Dabei geht es nicht darum zu zeigen, wie die Reformen Staatskapazitat verandern, sondern wie eine Akteursgruppe (Privatunternehmer) zu diesem Veranderungsprozess beitragt. Ohne ein Verstandnis von der Rolle sozialer Akteure fur den Wandel von Staatskapazitat muss auch der Wandel des Staates letztlich unklar bleiben. Die zu verifizierende Untersuchungsthese lautet also, dass die strategische(n) Gruppe(n) der Privatunternehmer in signifikantem Mase zur Veranderung staatlicher Strukturen und Kapazitat beitragt bzw. beitragen. Die Strategie der Unternehmer ist dabei interessengeleitet in dem Sinne, dass sie im Interesse der Realisierung ihrer Erwartungen agieren, ohne dass dadurch das politische System grundsatzlich in Frage gestellt oder geschwacht werden muss. In diesem Sinne tragt die Unternehmerschaft dazu bei, Staatskapazitat einerseits zu starken, sie andererseits aber in eine bestimmte Richtung zu lenken. Dabei wird zunachst die Frage der Zielsetzungen und des transformatorischen Potenzials der strategischen Gruppe(n) Unternehmer untersucht, ehe Ruckschlusse auf die Bedeutung des Agierens der Unternehmer im Hinblick auf Staatskapazitat gezogen werden.

No. 46 (2002): Strategische Gruppen und Staatskapazität: Das Beispiel der Privatunternehmer in China

Abstract: This paper at first addresses the concept of strategic groups and the interests of those groups. Hereafter, it will identify their transformational and strategic potentials. Finally, it will discuss in which manner entrepreneurs impact upon state capacity. Its concern is not the question how reforms alter state capacity, but rather in which way one group of actors (in this case private entrepreneurs) contributes to this process of change. Unless we do understand the role of social actors in terms of changing state capacity, we will not be able to sketch out in which manner the state is changing. The hypothesis that will have to be verified is whether or not the strategic groups of entrepreneurs contribute significantly to the alteration of the structures and capacity of the state. The entrepreneurs' strategy is interest-led as they act in the interest of realizing their expectations. This does not mean that thus the political system is fundamentally put into question or weakened. Furthermore, entrepreneurs on the one hand contribute to the reinforcement of state capacity, on the other hand they make efforts to steer it in a certain direction. Before drawing any conclusion on entrepreneurs impact on state capacity the paper will examine the goals and the transformational potential of the strategic groups of entrepreneurs.