To explain the astounding over-representation of blacks behind bars that has driven mass imprisonment in the United States, one must break out of the `crime-and-punishment' paradigm to reckon the e...

Deadly Symbiosis: When Ghetto and Prison Meet and Mesh

Table 1 Correlations between institutional mean scores of NSSE clusters of effective educational practices and institutional graduation rates (N=680 4-year colleges and universities) .

https://nces.ed.gov/npec/pdf/Kuh_Team_Report.pdf

What Matters to Student Success: A Review of the Literature

OBJECTIVES: We evaluated the spatial accessibility of large "chain" supermarkets in relation to neighborhood racial composition and poverty.

METHODS: We used a geographic information system to measure Manhattan block distance to the nearest supermarket for 869 neighborhoods (census tracts) in metropolitan Detroit. We constructed moving average spatial regression models to adjust for spatial autocorrelation and to test for the effect of modification of percentage African American and percentage poor on distance to the nearest supermarket.

RESULTS: Distance to the nearest supermarket was similar among the least impoverished neighborhoods, regardless of racial composition. Among the most impoverished neighborhoods, however, neighborhoods in which African Americans resided were, on average, 1.1 miles further from the nearest supermarket than were White neighborhoods.

CONCLUSIONS: Racial residential segregation disproportionately places African Americans in more-impoverished neighborhoods in Detroit and consequently reduces access to supermarkets. However, supermarkets have opened or remained open close to middle-income neighborhoods that have transitioned from White to African American. Development of economically disadvantaged African American neighborhoods is critical to effectively prevent diet-related diseases among this population.

Neighborhood Racial Composition, Neighborhood Poverty, and the Spatial Accessibility of Supermarkets in Metropolitan Detroit

How does access to this work benefit you? Let us know! Follow this and additional works at: http://academicworks.cuny.edu/jj_pubs Part of the Courts Commons, Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Criminology Commons, Judges Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Law and Society Commons, Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons, Legislation Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, and the Race and Ethnicity Commons

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The growth of incarceration in the United States: exploring causes and consequences

In ethnic and racial terms, America is growing rapidly more diverse. Yet attempts to extend racial threat hypotheses to today’s immigrants have generated inconsistent results. This article develops the politicized places hypothesis, an alternative that focuses on how national and local conditions interact to construe immigrants as threatening. Hostile political reactions to neighboring immigrants are most likely when communities undergo sudden influxes of immigrants and when salient national rhetoric reinforces the threat. Data from several sources, including twelve geocoded surveys from 1992 to 2009, provide consistent support for this approach. Time-series cross-sectional and panel data allow the analysis to exploit exogenous shifts in salient national issues such as the September 11 attacks, reducing the problem of residential self-selection and other threats to validity. The article also tests the hypothesis using new data on local anti-immigrant policies. By highlighting the interaction of local and national conditions, the politicized places hypothesis can explain both individual attitudes and local political outcomes.

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID1666159_code1305535.pdf?abstractid=1666159&mirid=5

Politicized Places: Explaining Where and When Immigrants Provoke Local Opposition

List of Illustrations ix List of Tables xiii Preface to the Princeton Classics Edition xv Preface to the 2005 Paperback Edition xxxii Acknowledgments li Introduction 3 PART ONE: ARSENAL 15 1. "Arsenal of Democracy" 17 2. "Detroit's Time Bomb": Race and Housing in the 1940s 33 3. "The Coffin of Peace": The Containment of Public Housing 57 PART TWO: RUST 89 4. "The Meanest and the Dirtiest Jobs": The Structures of Employment Discrimination 91 5. "The Damning Mark of False Prosperities": The Deindustrialization of Detroit 125 6. "Forget about Your Inalienable Right to Work": Responses to Industrial Decline and Discrimination 153 PART THREE: FIRE 179 7. Class, Status, and Residence: The Changing Geography of Black Detroit 181 8. "Homeowners' Rights": White Resistance and the Rise of Antiliberalism 209 9. "United Communities Are Impregnable": Violence and the Color Line 231 Conclusion. Crisis: Detroit and the Fate of Postindustrial America 259 Appendixes A. Index of Dissimilarity, Blacks and Whites in Major American Cities, 1940-1990 273 B. African American Occupational Structure in Detroit, 1940-1970 275 List of Abbreviations in the Notes 279 Notes 281 Index 365

The origins of the urban crisis : race and inequality in postwar Detroit : with a new preface by the author

Once America's "arsenal of democracy, " Detroit has become the symbol of the American urban crisis. In this reappraisal of America's dilemma of racial and economic inequality, Thomas Sugrue asks why Detroit and other industrial cities have become the sites of persistent racialized poverty.

The origins of the urban crisis : race and inequality in postwar Detroit

Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North

Once America's \"arsenal of democracy, \" Detroit has become the symbol of the American urban crisis. In this reappraisal of America's dilemma of racial and economic inequality, Thomas Sugrue asks why Detroit and other industrial cities have become the sites of persistent racialized poverty.

The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit

The dominant narratives of twentieth-century United States history depict the rise of a triumphant liberal state, shaped by the hopeful marriage of government and expertise and validated by a "liberal consensus" of workers, corporations, southerners and northerners, whites and Blacks, Catholics and Jews. Conservative critics of the state have remained on the fringes of historiography, as Alan Brinkley has recently argued, a "largely neglected part of the story of twentieth-century America." One of the unexamined ironies of recent American history is that the most influential critics of the liberal state came neither from the ranks of the Republicans nor from such radical rightist organizations as the Liberty League, the Black Legion, and the John Birch Society, nor from the ranks of Communists and socialists. The most vocal and ultimately the farthest-reaching challenge to liberalism came from within the New Deal coalition itself. Southern whites, whether die-hard Democrats or disaffected Dixiecrats, constrained New Deal liberalism from its inception. Corporate leaders and business unionists limited the possibilities for social democratic reform in the workplace. Their stories are well known. But crucial to the fate of liberalism and antiliberalism in the mid-twentieth-century United States were northern, urban whites. They were the backbone of the New Deal coalition; their political views and their votes limited the possibilities of liberal reform in the mid-twentieth century and constrained the leading liberal social movement, the extension of civil rights and liberties to African Americans. 1

/pdf/crabgrass-roots-politics-race-rights-and-the-reaction-3uvs9o1wbp.pdf

Thomas J. Sugrue

Papers

The origins of the urban crisis : race and inequality in postwar Detroit : with a new preface by the author

The origins of the urban crisis : race and inequality in postwar Detroit

Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North

The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit

Crabgrass-Roots Politics: Race, Rights, and the Reaction against Liberalism in the Urban North, 1940–1964