Showing papers in "American Journal of Archaeology in 1993"

Interpreting Space, GIS and Archaeology

Abstract: Part 1 Introduction: archaeological space - an introduction to the volume, Stanton W. Green the potential methodological impact of geographic information systems on the social sciences, Duane Marble GIS in archaeological research, Stephen H. Savage the diffusion of a new technology - a perspective on the adoption of geographic information systems with United Kingdom archaeology, Trevor M. Harris and Gary Lock GIS, archaeology, and freedom of information, Linda F. Stine and Roy S. Stine. Part 2 Theory and methodology: contemplating space - a commentary on theory, Ezra B. W. Zubrow landscape - a unifying concept in regional analysis, Carole L. Crumley and William H. Marquardt considerations for archaeology database design, Roy S. Stine and David P. Lanter predictive modeling archaeology - a primer, Robert E. Warren GIS algorithms and the effects on regional archaeological analyses, Kenneth L. Kvamme. Part 3 Data sources, hardware, and software: coping with space - commentary on data sources, hardware and software, Ezra B. W. Zubrow and Stanton W. Green archaeology, data integration and GIS, Roy T. Stine and Drew T. Decker the archaeologist's workbench - integrating GIS, remote sensing EDA, and database management, James A. Farley et al GIS and archaeological site location, Bryan A. Marozas and James A. Zack the realities of hardware, Scott L. H. Madry the fantasies of software, Ezra B. W. Zubrow. Part 4 Applications: manipulating space, Kathleen Allen predictive modeling of archaeological site location a case study in the midwest, Robert E. Warren GIS predictive modeling of prehistoric site distributions in central Montana, David L. Carmichael red flag models - the use of modeling in management contexts, Jeffrey H. Altschul using geographic information systems and exploratory data analysis of archeological site classification and analysis, Ishmael Williams et al building a historic settlement data base in GIS, Jack M. Jackson GIS in historical predictive modeling - the fort drum project, Robert J. Hasenstab and Benjamin Resnick modeling and prediction with geographic information systems - a demographic example from prehistoric and histroic New York, Ezra Zubrow modeling the late archaic social landscape, Stephen H. Savage sorting out settlement in southeastern Ireland - landscape archaeology and geographic information systems, Stanton W. Green an application of remote sensing and GIS in a regional archaeological survey, Scott L. H. Madry and Carol L. Crumley. Part 5 Conclusions: interpreting space, Kathleen M. Allen et al.

Material and intellectual consequences of esteem for Cycladic figures

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to document the consequences, material and intellectual, of a recent rising regard for Cycladic figures as objects of the connoisseur's zeal. It explores the nature of the known corpus, which is composed of figures that have either come to light through archaeological excavation or by ''surfacing'' on the art market. The growing esteem for Cycladic figures has had certain material consequences for their study: archaeological contexts have been destroyed, the means of developing a reliable chronological sequence have been lost, regional variations in figure types have become blurred, and finally, the opportunity to understand the function of the figures has been missed. The intellectual consequences of the loss of archaeological information lead to a distortion in the perceptions of Cycladic prehistory and society. Attempts to identify the hands of ''masters'' of sculptures appear to be misplaced: the underlying ''canon'' of Cycladic sculpture can be shown to be little more than a creation of chance. For the connoisseur, the value of a Cycladic figure largely resides in the object itself. For the archaeologist, the information immanent in the object provides elements of a larger story, the rest of which resides in a knowledge of context. The material consequences of the connoisseur's esteem, as we have been able to document them, are calamitous to the archaeological interest. The previously fruitful three-way marriage of connoisseur, market-maker, and scholar is now coming under strain as the interests and motives of the three partners have become distinct.

Review of Aegean Prehistory II: The Prepalatial Bronze Age of the Southern and Central Greek Mainland

Abstract: l'A. propose une chronologie de l'Age du Bronze Grec : Helladique ancien I : 3100/3000-2650 BC, Helladique ancien II ancien : 2650-2450/2350 BC, Helladique ancien II final : 2450/2350-2200/2150 BC, Helladique ancien III : 2200/2150-2050/2000 BC, Helladique moyen I : 2050/2000-1950/1900, Helladique moyen II : 1950/1900-1750/1720, Helladique moyen III 1750/1720-1680, Helladique recent I : 1680-1600/1580, Helladique recent IIA : 1600/1580-1520/1480, Helladique recent IIB : 1520/1480-1445/1415

GIS Approaches to Regional Analysis: A Case Study of the Island of Hvar

Abstract: Gaffney and Stancic publish preliminary results of a regional studies project on the Dalmatian island of Hvar (4 km from the Croatian coast, 68-km long, and 15-km wide at most). A geographical information system (GIS) program was fundamental to the design of the Hvar project. Case studies from Hvar show how archaeologists can employ GIS. GIS facilitates the collection, storage, retrieval, analysis, and presentation of spatial data. Section 1 describes the methods of GIS and the equipment (including computer hardware and software) needed. Section 2 applies GIS techniques to problems of territorial boundary definition, the analysis of communication routes, and the relationship of archaeological sites to agricultural land within their economic territories. Five topics are discussed as examples of GIS applications in archaeology. GIS could be an invaluable tool for government archaeological services entrusted with managing archaeological heritage.

Tin Processing at Göltepe, an Early Bronze Age Site in Anatolia@@@Tin Processing at Goltepe, an Early Bronze Age Site in Anatolia

Abstract: Contexte archeologique et resultats de l'analyse de scories de Goltepe, site du 3 e mill. d'Anatolie. 250 echantillons de creusets en ceramique, provenant de ce site ont egalement ete analyses par fluorescence X, diffraction X, microscope a balayage couple avec l'energie dispersive X et la microsonde dispersive. Les resultats soulevent le probleme des sources d'etain en Anatolie

Roman Spain: Conquest and Assimilation

Abstract: List of illustrations Acknowledgements Abbreviations of modern works Preface Introduction Part I: Conquest 1. The Peninsula and its Inhabitants 2. From Frontier to Province 3. To the Boundary of the Ocean Part II: Assimilation 4. The Machinery of Control 5. Social Status and Social Relations 6. Town and Country 7. Production and Exchange 8. The Romanisation of Beliefs 9. 'Resistance' to Romanisation Notes Maps Key to maps Bibliography Index

Julius Caesar and the Creation of the Forum Iulium

Abstract: This article examines the historical and topographical issues connected with the first of the so-called Imperial fora, the Forum of Julius Caesar, in the light of new archaeological discoveries in Rome over the past decade, including the author's field observations at the site from 1981 to 1991. In its present state, the Forum of Iulium is for the most part a monument of the Imperial period, but it is also an important artifact of the Late Republic. It is argued here that the Forum of Caesar owes its plan to a rapid series of events that changed the physical and political realities of Rome over the decade 54-44 B. C. Since several of these events could not be foreseen in 54 B. C., when the project is first mentioned by Cicero, this article concludes that the Forum of Julius Caesar, as an integrated monument, was not conceived until after 48 B. C. The evolution of the forum was a rapid one, and the monument probably exhibited its characteristic plan by Caesar's death or shortly afterward. Building activity would have been most intense over the four-year period between the Battle of Pharsalus (48 B. C.) and Caesar's assassination (44 B. C.). Archaeological evidence in the podium of the temple suggests that the original shrine exhibited a plan at variance with that finally built. Both the architectural features and the historical circumstances suggest that the Forum Iulium was the only one of the Imperial fora built to supplant directly the traditional civic functions of the original Forum Romanum.

From New to New Age Archaeology: Archaeological Theory and Classical Archaeology-A 1990s Perspective

Abstract: This essay started as a review article on several recent books on archaeological theory, their place in the current debate on the purposes and methods of archaeology, and their relevance to Classical archaeologists.* What emerged, however, was the author's very personal view of the current state of theoretical archaeology and what the latest developments mean for Classical archaeology today. Classical archaeologists have long been unwilling to join in the debate, which has centered on the application of theoretical concerns to the practice of most humanistic and social science disciplines. The reasons for this are complex.' Classical archaeology traces its origins back to one of the first archaeological theoreticians, Johannes Winckelmann, and was on the front line of general cultural debates in the late 18th and early 19th centuries.2 This innovative environment changed, however, during the course of the 19th century. In part this was due to the strong influence of German scholarship with its emphasis on the systematic collection of facts as a precursor to any real knowledge, and to the increasingly dominant position of science in the intellectual life of the period. Scholars in most humanistic fields, including Classical archaeology, argued that their generalizations had to be based on solid, systematically organized bodies of data. This collection of facts increasingly replaced the use of Classical material in general cultural debates. Catalogues and compendia came to dominate scholarly production.3 Changes in the academic sociology of the profession reinforced this research direction. Classical archaeol-

The Archaeology of Ancient Sicily

Abstract: This work throws fresh light on the island's past and seeks to provide a concise, up-to-date guide to Sicilian archaeology, covering the period from prehistory to Constantine the Great. It should be of interest to students and lecturers in European archaeology and ancient history.

Knossos : from Greek city to Roman colony : excavations at the unexplored mansion II

Abstract: This second volume reporting on the excavations at the site of the Unexplored Mansion' describes all the structures and finds that are later than Minoan. The substantial deposits that range between Minoan and Hellenistic are mainly pits, wells and wash levels with little remaining of the buildings with which they were associated; for the Hellenistic and Roman periods, until the third century AD, there are substantial remains of a succession of buildings. These provide a context for the large quantity of finds whose description takes up the bulk of the report. Pottery: sub-Minoan (M R Popham), early Hellenic (J N Coldstream), Archaic to Hellenistic (P J Callaghan), Roman pottery, amphorae and sigillata stamps (L H Sackett); lamps (H W & E A Catling); coins (M J Price); plaster sculptures (G B Waywell); terracottas (R A Higgins); metal objects (K Branigan); bone objects (L H Sackett); glass vessels (J Price). The enormous number of drawings and photos supporting the description of these finds will ensure that this becomes a valuable work of reference.

Early Bronze Age Tin and the Taurus

Abstract: The sources of tin being exploited by the metalworkers of Early Bronze Age Anatolia remain to be identified. While K.A. Yener and P.J. Vandiver (Tin Processing at Goltepe, an Early Bronze Age Site in Anatolia, supra pp. 207-38) present very impressive evidence for some sort of mining and metalworking activity at Kestel and Goltepe, they fail to demonstrate that tin must have been the metal being sought after in these operations. Nor can it be shown that the general area of southeastern Anatolia was a significant center of bronze metallurgy during the third millennium. Even Egypt, with well-documented sources of tin, seems to have made little use of bronze before ca. 2000 B.C.

The Kavousi Coarse Wares: A Bronze Age Chronology for Survey in the Mirabello Area, East Crete

Abstract: This paper presents the results of the Kavousi-Thriphti Survey coarse-ware study. It is argued that coarse utilitarian pottery can be used for dating sites in archaeological survey, and further, that coarse pottery on the surface of any site with a domestic or storage function may represent a wider, and thus more accurate, chronological range than the associated fine wares. Detailed descriptions of 18 coarse fabric types identified in the survey region are presented. Thirteen of these fabrics were determined to be chronologically diagnostic. These fabric types, with their proposed chronological ranges and proveniences, provide sufficient data to begin analyzing the distribution of coarse ceramics in the protopalatial and neopalatial periods. The results lay the groundwork for more detailed petrographic analyses and provenience studies of coarse wares in the Bay of Mirabello.

The female athletic costume at the Heraia and prenuptial initiation rites

Abstract: The quadrennial festival of the Heraia at Olympia provided one of the few attested venues for girls to participate in athletic competitions in Greece during the Classical period. One of the most unusual features recorded for the Heraia was the athletic costume worn by the participants, a short chiton affixed to the left shoulder leaving the right shoulder and breast bared. Since the literary sources treating other contemporary athletic festivals do not mention this garment, the dress was perhaps unique to the Heraia ritual. Previous examinations of this athletic costume have attributed its derivation to the dress worn by the Amazons, Artemis, and Atalanta. A closer investigation of the Heraia outfit, however, reveals that it was inspired by the ἐξωμίς, a garment worn by men engaged in strenuous activity. The appropriateness of the ἐξωμίς as an iconographic source for the Heraia running dress becomes clear if the festival of Hera is correctly interpreted as a prenuptial female initiation rite. Cross-cultural studies of social puberty rituals in premodern societies identify a common feature of such rites: the initiate adopts characteristics of the opposite sex and, in many instances, wears clothing regarded as typical of the other gender. The assumption of traits associated with the opposite sex allows the initiate to return to the necessary state of primordial totality, thus facilitating the passage from childhood to adulthood.

An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos. A New Interpretation of the Exacavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing

Abstract: MM III B-LM I A transition, since it includes new dark-on-light painted pottery which soon becomes the hallmark of LM I. Interestingly B. sees this new pottery at Kommos as not locally derived. One is more than tempted to suggest the inception of powerful Knossian ceramic influence. In its MM HI B-LM I A transition material Kommos adds to the evidence for a widespread and major destruction, very possibly by earthquake, in Crete and the south Aegean at this time (see further BSA 86 [1991]).

The Aegean garden

Abstract: 25 p. : ill. - This article has been scanned and reformatted by the T-Space Assistant. If a researcher is interested in referencing this work, it is recommended that the citation listed above be consulted, as the page numbers of the PDF file do not match those of the original publication

Reply to J. D. Muhly, "Early Bronze Age Tin and the Taurus"

Abstract: This response to J. D. Muhly's essay (supra pp. 239–53) focuses on a series of key issues that have arisen concerning the chronology, technology, and archaeological context in which prehistoric metallurgy developed. Additional radiocarbon dates and information on EBA ceramics from soundings in the Kestel mine are presented, which are relevant to the dating of the operations. The tin-bronze industry at Tarsus and the question of "intentionality" in the manufacture of bronze alloys are further discussed. No data exist to support Muhly's contention that gold and iron were produced at Göltepe and Kestel. It is stressed that although particles of cassiterite and tin metal are small, they are dense and characteristically colored, and hence easily identified. Replication experiments in 1992 have suggested a method of producing tin metal compatible with the analyses of the crucibles and coatings. In an appendix, Lynn Willies discusses the geological nature of tin deposits in general and at Kestel in particular, and considers Muhly's interpretation of the deposits in the Eastern Desert.

Copper and bronze working in early through middle bronze age cyprus

Abstract: Part 1 surveys the analyses of copper and copper artifacts manufactured prior to the late Bronze Age. Types of analyses include optical emission spectrography, atomic absorption spectrometry, x-ray fluorescence, neutron activation analysis, metallography, particle-induced x-ray emission (PIXE), and electron microprobe. Part 2 provides a comprehensive list of all the analyzed objects. Part 3 is a typological study.

The Scaenae Frons of the Theater of Pompey

Abstract: The scaenae frons of the Theater of Pompey as shown on the Marble Plan of Rome is often thought to belong to the Severan period. This article argues that the Marble Plan shows the scaenae frons as rebuilt after the fire of A.D. 80. Its novel design directly influenced the builders of the Trajanic/Hadrianic theaters of Taormina and Benevento. At the same time a simplified version of the scaenae frons of the Theater of Pompey became fashionable and was widely diffused throughout the Roman Empire during the second century A.D. The author's discovery that the architect of the theater at Taormina used illusionistic column effects closely similar to those used in the South Theater at Gerasa adds substance to recent speculation about Eastern influence on its design.* According to Plutarch, Pompey conceived the idea of building a theater in 63 B.C. while at Mytilene (Vit. Pomp. 42.4). The theater was dedicated at the end of September 55 B.C. in Pompey's second consulship.' The dedication of the Temple of Venus Victrix at the top of the cavea took place in Pompey's third consulship (52 B.C.).2 The theater was apparently already in need of restoration by the time of Augustus, who spent a lot on the repairs.3 It also suffered a number of disasters, notably the fire of A.D. 22. The restoration was begun by Tiberius "on the grounds that no member of the family was equal to the task of restoration. The name of Pompey was, however, to remain."4 The restoration was completed by Caligula5 and Claudius "opened the games at its dedication.'"6 It has been conjectured, somewhat implausibly, that the original scaenaefrons was of wood.' Other theaters of the late Republic, such as the large theater at Pompeii, ca. 80-70 B.C., and the theater at Tusculum, first half of the first century B.C., had a stone scaenae frons and a stone columnatio, and it is difficult to imagine that a theater of the importance and magnitude of the Theater of Pompey would have had a scaenae frons built of impermanent materials. Both at Pompeii and Tusculum the scaenae frons of the period was rectilinear, as was the scaenae frons of the Theater of Marcellus as shown on the Severan Marble Plan, and there is no a priori reason to suppose that the scaenae frons of the Theater of Pompey was any different. The earliest known examples of a curved niche enclosing the valva regia and shallow rectangular niches enclosing the hospitalia are in the theaters at Gubbio (probably built in the years immediately before 27 B.C.)8 and Arles (30-20 B.C.).9 The scaenae frons shown on the Marble Plan (fig. 1) is certainly a later rebuilding, although there is some controversy over its date. It need not necessarily be as late as the Severan period, as Crema has suggested.'0 A Severan dating relies on CIL VI, 1031, an inscription dating to A.D. 202, which Lanciani" took to mean that the theater was restored by Septimius Severus and Caracalla. In my view the Marble Plan * I would like to thank the Soprintendenza alle antichitai of Salerno for their kindness in allowing me to study the theater at Benevento. The work at Taormina was done by kind permission of G. Bacci of the Soprintendenza archeologica of Messina. I am especially grateful to E. Rodriguez Almeida for his kindness in offering me detailed advice about the Severan Marble Plan. Needless to say, I am responsible for any mistakes in its interpretation. Cic. Pis. 27.65; Vell. Pat. 2.48.2; Asc. Pis. p. 1, 20 St. The games are described by Cicero in a letter dated to the first half of October 55 B.C. (Fam. 7.1.2-4). The exact date of the dedication (to coincide with Pompey's birthday on the 29th of September) is discussed by F. Coarelli, "Il complesso pompeiano del Campo Marzio e la sua decorazione scultorea," RendPontAcc 44 (1971-1972) 99, n. 2. 2 Pliny gives the year of its dedication as 55 B.C. (HN 8.20-21). 3 Res Gestae 20.9. 4 Tac. Ann. 3.72. 5 Suet. Calig. 21. 6 Suet. Claud. 21.1. 7 Both L. Crema (L'architettura romana [Turin 1959] 95) and A. Boethius (Etruscan and Early Roman Architecture [Harmondsworth 1978] 206) talk of the scaenae frons as wooden, perhaps in an attempt to explain the fire in A.D. 22. 8 Inscriptions (CIL XI, 5820) in the versurae commemorate the building of "basilicas" and mention a victory of Augustus. This has been taken to refer to Actium and the additions to the theater have been dated to 31 B.C. (M. Gaggiotti et al., Umbria, Marche [Guide archeologiche Laterza 4, Bari 1980] 181-84). Such an early date is inadmissible because Octavian only assumed the title of Augustus in 27 B.C. As the "basilicas" are clearly an addition to the original building, however, the theater could well have been begun before 27 B.C. A late Republican or early Augustan date is also suggested by the architectural ornament (H. von Hesberg, Konsolengeisa des Hellenismus und derfriihen Kaiserzeit [RM-EH 24, Mainz 1980] 112, 121, 225). 9 A. von Gladiss, "Der 'Arc du Rh6ne' von Arles," RM 79 (1972) 17-87. 10 Crema (supra n. 7) 95. 1 NSc 1880, 470. American Journal of Archaeology 97 (1993) 687 This content downloaded from 207.46.13.114 on Thu, 26 May 2016 06:12:40 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 688 FRANK B. SEAR [AJA 97