Showing papers in "American Psychologist in 1988"

Profiting from controversy. Lessons from the person-situation debate.

Abstract: For the past two decades the person-situation debate has dominated personality psychology and had important repercussions in clinical, social, and organizational psychology. This controversy strikes to the heart of each of these disciplines because it puts on trial the central assumption that internal dispositions have an important influence on behavior. According to emerging views of scientific progress, controversy serves the useful function of narrowing the field of competing hypotheses. In this light, we examine seven hypotheses that arose during the course of the person-situation debate, ranging from most to least pessimistic about the existence of consensual, discriminative personality traits. The accumulated evidence fails to support the hypotheses that personality traits are simply (a) in the eye of the beholder, (b) semantic illusions, (c) artifacts of base-rate accuracy, (d) artifacts of shared stereotypes, (e) due to discussion between observers (who ignore behavior in favor of verbal self-presentation or reputation), or (f) mere by-products of situational consistencies. Evidence also fails to support the hypothesis (g) that although traits are related to behavior, the relationship is too small to be important. Yet we have not simply come full circle to a reacceptance of traits as they were understood 20 years ago. Research generated by these hypotheses has allowed us to better specify the circumstances under which personality assessments will be valid. Whether we are acting as professional psychologists, as academic psychologists, or simply as lay psychologists engaging in everyday gossip, the assumption that people have "traits" (or enduring cross-situational consistencies in their behavior) provides a basis for many of our decisions. When a clinical or counseling psychologist uses a standard assessment battery, he or she assumes that there is some degree of trait-like consistency in pathological behavior to be measured. When an organizational psychologist designs a personnel selection procedure, he or she assumes that consistent individual differences between the applicants are there to be found. When an academic psychologist teaches a course in personality, he or she must either assume some consistency in behavior or else face a bit of existential absurdity for at least three hours a week. Likewise, a good portion of our courses on clinical and developmental psychology would be unimaginable unless we assumed some cross-situational consistency. Even in everyday lay psychology, our attempts to analyze the behaviors of our friends, relatives, and co-workers are riddled with assumptions about personality traits. Despite the wide appeal of the trait assumption, personality psychologists have been entangled for some time in a debate about whether it might be based more on illusion than reality (e.g., Alker, 1972; Allport, 1966; Argyle & Little, 1972; Bem, 1972; Block, 1968, 1977; Bowers, 1973; Epstein, 1977, 1979, 1980; Fiske, 1974; Gormly & Edelberg, 1974; Hogan, DeSoto, & Solano, 1977; Hunt, 1965; Magnusson & Endler, 1977; Mischel, 1968, 1983; West, 1983). Murmurs of the current debate could be heard more than 40 years ago (Ichheisser, 1943), but the volume increased markedly after Mischel's (1968) critique, and things have not quieted down yet (Bem, 1983; Epstein, 1983; Funder, 1983; Kenrick, 1986; Mischel, 1983; Mischel & Peake, 1982, 1983). Of late, discussants have begun to express yearning to end what some see as an endless cycle of repeating the same arguments. Mischel and Peake (1982) and Bem (1983), for instance, both use the term ddjd vu in the titles of recent contributions, suggesting that they feel as if they have been here before. Other commentators maintain that the debate has been a "pseudo-controversy" (Carlson, 1984; Endler, 1973)that never should have occurred in the first place. However fatiguing it may now seem to some of its erstwhile protagonists, the debate over the alleged inconsistency of personality has been more than an exercise in sophistry. In the course of the nearly two decades since Mischers (1968) critique, a number of provocative hypotheses have been put forward, along with a host of studies to evaluate them. Platt (1964) and Popper (1959), among others, maintained that science typically progresses through the accumulation of negative informat iontha t is, by eliminating hypotheses that data suggest are no longer tenable. From this perspective, it may be worth taking a look back at the hypotheses suggested during the consistency controversy, this time in the improved light shed by two decades of research. In this light, the debate can be seen as an intellectually stimulating chapter in the history of the discipline, replete with useful lessons for professionals who include assessment in their repertoire. The "Pure Trait" Mode l and Its Alternatives Discussions of the "person versus situation" debate traditionally begin with the "pure trait" model (Alston, 1975; January 1988 9 American Psychologist Copyright 1988 by the Amtxican Psychological Association. Inc. 0003-066X/88/$00.75 Vol. 43, No. 1, 23-34 23 Argyle & Little, 1972; Mischel, 1968): that people show powerful, unmodulated consistencies in their behavior across time and diverse situations. This position has been attacked frequently over the years. However, it is really just a "straw man," and even traditional personality researchers find it unacceptable (see, e.g., Allport, 1931, 1966; Block, 1977; Hogan et al., 1977; Jackson, 1983; Wiggins, 1973; Zuroff, 1986). Complete invariance in behavior is associated more with severe psychopathology than with "normal" behavior. If the consensus rejects the "pure trait" position, then what can replace it? Several alternative hypotheses have been advanced over the years. These hypotheses differ with regard to four issues, which can be arranged into a logical hierarchy: 1. Consensus versus solipsism. Are traits merely idiosyncratic constructs that reside solely inside the heads of individual observers, or can observers reach agreement in applying trait terms? 2. Discriminativeness versus generality. I f observers can agree with one another in ascribing traits to targets, is it simply because they apply a nondiscriminative "one size fits all" approach? 3. Behavior versus labeling. I f observers can agree with one another, and can also differentiate between who is low or high on a given trait, does this occur because they really observe behavior? Or do they merely provide their judgments based on superficial stereotypes, targets' self-presentations, or other socially assigned labels? 4. Internal versus external locus of causal explanation. If observers can agree with one another and can distinguish individual differences on the basis of actual behavior of the people they are observing, are the causes ofthese consistencies located within each person or within his or her situation and role? Each of these issues depends on the resolution of those earlier in the list. For instance, if observers cannot agree with one another about who has which traits, there is no point in going on to debate whether traits have a behavioral basis. Ultimately, assumptions about traits must pass the tests of consensus, discriminativeness, behavioral foundation, and internality. We will discuss seven hypotheses that assume that traits fail one or more of these tests. In Table 1, we list the hypotheses in terms of the four hierarchical issues just discussed. As can be seen, the hypotheses can be arranged more or less in order of their pessimism regarding the existence of (consensually verifiable, discriminative, internal) trait-like consistencies. I We will consider each hypothesis in its purest form and, for the moment, disregard the various qualifications that have sometimes been attached to each. Placing each hypothesis in bold relief allows us to assess it most clearly, and philosophers of science tell us that we learn most when hypotheses are stated in such a way as to allow disproof(e.g., Platt, 1964; Popper, 1959). Moreover, each of these hypotheses has, at some time, actually been stated in its bold form. In 1968, for instance, one social psychologist argued that T a b l e 1 Hierarchy of Hypotheses From the Person-Situation Controversy, Arranged From Most to Least Pessimistic Cdtical assumptions Hypotheses

The spacing effect: A case study in the failure to apply the results of psychological research.

Abstract: The spacing effect would appear to have considerable potential for improving classroom learning, yet there is no evidence of its widespread application. I consider nine possible impediments to the implementation of research findings in the classroom in an effort to determine which, i f any, apply to the spacing effect. I conclude that the apparent absence of systematic application may be due, in part, to the ahistorical character of research on the spacing effect and certain gaps in our understanding of both the spacing effect and classroom practice. However, because none of these concerns seems especially discouraging, and in view of what we do know about the spacing effect, classroom application is recommended. The spacing effect--which refers to the finding that for a given amount of study time, spaced presentations yield substantially better learning than do massed presentationsmis one of the most remarkable phenomena to emerge from laboratory research on learning. It is remarkable in several respects. First, the spacing effect is one of the most dependable and replicable phenomena in experimental psychology. Second, it is remarkably robust. In many cases, two spaced presentations are about twice as effective as two massed presentations (e.g., Hintzman, 1974; Melton, 1970), and the difference between them increases as the frequency of repetition increases (Underwood, 1970). Moreover, demonstrations of achievement following massed presentations often are only slightly higher than that following a single presentation (e.g., Melton, 1970). Third, the spacing effect is truly ubiquitous in scope. It has been observed in virtually every standard experimental learning paradigm, with all sorts of traditional research material (Dempster, 1987a; Hintzman, 1974; Melton, 1970). With all of these characteristics in its favor, the spacing effect would seem to have considerable potential for improving classroom learning. However, there is little evidence that this potential has been realized. Neither American classrooms nor American textbooks appear to implement spaced reviews in any systematic way, and by comparison, Soviet mathematics textbooks provide a much more distributed method of presentation than do their American counterparts (Stigler, Fuson, Ham, & Kim, 1986). Nor is there much evidence that the next generation of educators is being better informed. In a recent sampling of practitioner-oriented textbooks suitable for use in teacher education programs, I found either little or no mention of the practical benefits of the spacing effect, and in some cases the spacing effect was confused with other phenomena (e.g., Good & Brophy, 1986; Mayer, 1987; Slavin, 1986; Woolfolk, 1987). One wellknown educator, in fact, advised against spaced practice at least in the early stages of learning (Hunter, 1983). Why is it that research findings that appear to have significant implications, such as the spacing effect, often are not utilized by teachers and curriculum makers? In general, the problem is that there is no well-developed implementation model, nor is there a standard methodology for analyzing the conditions that foster the transfer of knowledge from the laboratory to the classroom (see Hosford, 1984, for a discussion). Obviously, issues regarding the utilization of findings from basic research are complicated, and there are many potential impediments to the implementation of research findings in the classroom. In this article, I explore nine potential impediments, all of which seem reasonable at first glance, in an effort to determine which, if any, apply to the spacing effect. Impediments to Application The Phenomenon Has Not Been Known Long Enough Although the time lag between discovery and application varies greatly, some considerable period of time often intervenes between the publication of research findings and their application. In the case of the spacing effect, however, a considerable period of time already has passed since its initial documentation. The spacing effect was known as early as 1885 when Ebbinghaus published the results of his seminal experimental work on memory. With himself as the subject, Ebbinghaus found that for a single 12syllable series, 68 immediately successive repetitions had the effect of making possible an errorless recital after seven additional repetitions on the following day. However, the same effect was achieved by only 38 distributed repetitions spread over three days. On the basis of this and other related findings, Ebbinghaus concluded that \"with any considerable number of repetitions a suitable distribution of them over a space of time is decidedly more advantageous than the massing of them at a single time\" (Ebbinghaus, 1885/1913, p. 89). Jost, also working with nonAugust 1988 9 American Psychologist Copyright 1988 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 0003-066X/88/$00.75 Vol. 43, No. 8, 627-634 627 sense syllables, reported similar findings and in 1897 formulated what was to become known as Jost's Law: \"If two associations are of equal strength but of different age, a new repetition has a greater value for the older one\" (McGeoch, 1943, p. 140). In 1928, Ruth published a review of dozens of studies of the spacing effect. Although interpretation of the results of these studies (e.g., Dearborn, 1910; Perkins, 1914; Pyle, 1913; Starch, 1912) is complicated by other, potentially confounded variables, the results tend, in general, to confirm the earlier work by Ebbinghaus and by Jost. Thus, published reports of the spacing effect have been in existence since the latter part of the 19th century and the early part of the 20th century. The Phenomenon Has Not Received Recent Documentation In the absence of recent documentation, research findings may seem stale or anachronistic, but, as most, if not all, students of the learning literature know, the spacing effect has been well-documented in recent times. Many studies of this phenomenon were published during the 1960s and the 1970s, as reviews by Hintzman (1974), Melton (1970), and Glenberg (1979) attest. Although much of the research included in these reviews was reminiscent of the work of Ebbinghaus in using easily analyzable simple verbal units, the fruits of this research are considerable from any perspective. For example, the ubiquitous, highly replicable character of the spacing effect fostered the notion that its existence must be telling us something important about memory (e.g., Hintzman, 1974). Also, it deafly demonstrated that the Total Time Law, which states that the amount learned is a direct function of study time regardless of how that time is distributed, was in deep trouble or at least in need of a major overhaul (Melton, 1970; Underwood, 1970). More recently, the spacing of repetitions has been the subject of studies reported in a variety of journals, including some with an applied perspective (Bahrick & Phelps, 1987; Cuddy & Jacoby, 1982; Dellarosa & Bourne, 1985; Dempster, 1987b; Elmes, Dye, & Herdelin, 1983; Glenberg & Lehmann, 1980; Glover & Corkill, 1987; Toppino & DiGeorge, 1984; Toppino & Gracen, 1985). Thus, documented evidence of the spacing effect has appeared in the literature continually for the past 100

Issues in the perception of AIDS risk and risk reduction activities by Black and Hispanic/Latina women.

Abstract: Until recently, most Americans thought of Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) as essentially a man’s disease afflicting homosexual, bisexual, and intravenous drug abusing males (“Women and AIDS,” 1986) However, women have been counted among AIDS cases ever since the deadly disease first emerged six years ago Of the 66,464 individuals diagnosed with AIDS, reported as of July 4, 1988 to the Centers for Disease Control, 5,757 are women, representing nearly 9% of all cases (AIDS Weekly Surveillance Report July 4, 1988) Although this number may seem of relatively small concern when compared with the number of men affected by AIDS, there are important reasons to focus special study on these women First, the fact that most cases at present have been diagnosed in men reflects an early epidemiologic pattern of infection by a virus with a long, and still unknown, average latency before disease expression (National Academy of Sciences, Institute of Medicine, 1986) In actuality, the number of cases among women today is approximately equivalent to the number of cases among men only two to three years ago and is expected to reach between 22,000 and 30,000 cases by the year 1991 (Morgan & Curran, 1986) As can be seen in Table 1, most women with AIDS are of ethnic minority background (Cochran, Mays, & Roberts, 1988) Table 1 Total Number of AIDS Cases by Risk Group for Each Ethnic/Race Group by Gender, United States, July 4, 1988 Among Latinas, risk is differentially present across the diverse populations that comprise this ethnic group, but the Centers for Disease Control AIDS Public Access Data Tape does not permit making such important distinctions For example, in 1985, more than 40% of AIDS deaths on the Lower East Side of New York City occurred among Puerto Ricans (Worth & Rodriguez, 1987) Second, the pattern of infection transmission for women is changing Whereas in 1982 only 12% of the women diagnosed with AIDS were presumably infected by their male sexual partners, by 1986 26% of women with AIDS were contracting it through heterosexual contact (Guinan & Hardy, 1987) Of these women infected through sexual activity, 77% are Black or Latina Estimates (reported in “Bleak Lives,” 1987) are that up to 50,000 women in New York City are human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) seropositive For women in New York City, the prevalence of infection is thought to be 50% among intravenous (IV) drug users and 20% among those whose sexual partners are IV drug users Of these women, 80%, or 40,000, are most likely Black or Latina Since 1980, AIDS has become the sixth leading cause of years of potential life lost before age 65 for women in New York City, and for those between the ages of 25 and 29, AIDS is the most frequent cause of death (Kristal, 1986) Experts estimate that heterosexual transmission will increase sevenfold in the next five years (Villarosa & Roberts, 1987) Nationwide, it is thought that approximately 100,000 women are HIV-infected (“Bleak Lives,” 1987) A third reason to be concerned about AIDS in women is that most pediatric cases of AIDS in the past have and virtually all in the future will result from infection acquired from an HIV-positive mother (Brooks-Gunn, Boyer & Hein, this issue, pp 958–964) Further reductions in the incidence of pediatric AIDS are dependent upon the choices and behavior of infected women, many of whom are unaware of their infection status Finally, AIDS, as a behaviorally transmitted disease, often through sexual contact, involves the behavior of both men and women Risk reduction relies on altering the intimate behaviors of individuals during sexual activity In this context, it seems relevant to explore women’s sexual and contraceptive behavior Because AIDS risk reduction activities are sometimes identical to contraception efforts (eg, using condoms), it is reasonable to extrapolate what is known about women and contraceptive behaviors in anticipating potential issues with encouraging “safer” sexual practices aimed at reducing AIDS transmission In focusing on AIDS and women, our primary concern is with poor, urban, ethnic women because, at present, this is one of the populations most at risk for acquiring an HIV infection This look at issues surrounding perceptions of risk and risk reduction activities by Black and Latina women may prove valuable in attempts to stop the spread and transmission of the disease In doing so, it will also become quickly apparent that the AIDS epidemic has highlighted both the good and bad aspects of our society, particularly as it relates to ethnic minorities

The virtue of selfishness.

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The Effects of Graduate Training on Reasoning: Formal Discipline and Thinking About Everyday-Life Events

Abstract: The theory of formal disciplinenthat is, the view that instruction in abstract rule systems can affect reasoning about everyday-life eventsnhas been rejected by 20th century psychologists on the basis of rather scant evidence. We examined the effects of graduate training in law, medicine, psychology, and chemistry on statistical reasoning, methodological reasoning about confounded variables, and reasoning about problems in the logic of the conditional Both psychology and medical training produced large effects on statistical and methodological reasoning, and psychology, medical, and law training pro- duced effects on ability to reason about problems in the logic of the conditional Chemistry training had no effect on any type of reasoning studied. These results seem well understood in terms of the rule systems taught by the various fields and indicate that a version of the formal discipline hypothesis is correct.

Psychological well-being of primates in captivity.

Abstract: Recent amendments to the Animal Welfare Act will, upon taking effect, require that researchers who maintain nonhuman primates in captivity house their animals in such a way as to "promote their psychological well-being." Unfortunately, no consensus presently exists in terms of how to define or identify psychological well-being in primate subjects. We propose a strategy for defining psychological well-being that includes assessment of physical health, comparison with species-normative behavioral repertoires, detection of distress, and evaluation of coping responses. This set of definitions is then used to characterize prototypical primate laboratory environments (e.g., single-cage, pair, and group housing) in terms of fostering psychological well-being. The importance of factors other than housing, such as species-specific characteristics, rearing histories, and phenotypic differences, is also emphasized in developing prescriptions for psychological well-being in captive primates. It seems unlikely that simple prescriptions will be broadly applicable across the whole range of captive primates. Instead, researchers must be sensitive to the needs of their particular subjects in order to optimize their psychological well-being, however defined. The use of animals in research has once again become a provocative and controversial topic of debate be- tween many scientists and some other members of the public. 1 Charges and countercharges permeate both written and oral discussions of this topic. Researchers point to the benefits derived from animal research and focus on the "greater good for humanity," whereas animal rights activists consistently question the mo- rality of such animal use and raise concerns about the quality of life experienced by laboratory animals. This latter point, "quality of life," is important to all scientists for practical as well as humane reasons. Today, virtually all researchers are aware of their responsibility to provide humane care and treatment for their animals and to make improvements contin-

The meaning of personality test scores.

Abstract: The process of reexamining the methodological and metatheoretical assumptions of personality psychology over the past two decades has been useful for both critics and practitioners of personality research. Although the field has progressed substantially, some critics continue to raise 1960s-vintage complaints, and some researchers perpetuate earlier abuses. We believe that a single issue--construct validity--underlies the perceived and actual shortcomings of current assessment-based personality research. Unfortunately, many psychologists seem unaware of the extensive literature on construct validity, This article reviews five major contributions to our understanding of construct validity and discusses their importance for evaluating new personality measures. This review is intended as a guide for practitioners as well as an answer to questions raised by critics. Because the problem of construct validity is generic to our discipline, these issues are significant not only for personality researchers but also for psychologists in other domains. Walter Mischel's 1968 book stimulated 20 years of careful examination of the methodological and metatheoretical assumptions of personality psychology. This reappraisal has been useful for both critics and practitioners of measurement-based personality research. Within the personality research establishment, things seem to have returned to normal; people are comfortable once again with the notions that (a) personality assessment is an appropriate methodology in many areas of personality, clinical, and industrial psychology, and (b) there is stability to personality descriptors over time and occasions. Nonetheless, plus (a change, plus c'est la m~me chose: On one hand, 1960s-vintage criticisms continue to come up (i.e., test scores are contaminated by social desirability; validity coefficients are modest; there is no stable core to personality). On the other hand, some personality researchers continue to invite reproof by perpetuating abuses about which critics legitimately complain. Landy (1986) documented the confusion that still surrounds the testing enterprise despite 20 years of soul searching. We believe that a single issue underlies the perceived and actual shortcomings of current assessmentbased personality research. When critics complain and when personality researchers fail, construct validity is usually at the heart of the matter. A review of the notion of construct validity may serve as a guide for practitioners as well as an answer to many of the questions that seem to bother critics of measurement-based personality research (cf. Kagan, 1988). Drawing on Landy's essay, in this article we argue that (a) all validity is construct validity; (b) the process of test validation is hypothesis testing; and (c) measurement-based research is formally identical with any other type of legitimate scientific in-

Psychological influences on immunity. Implications for AIDS.

Abstract: " There is considerable variability in the clinical course of individuals infected with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), the acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) virus. Because there is good evidence for psychological mediation of immune function, psychosocial or behavioral variables are among the possible cofactors that may influence HIV infection and disease progression. This article reviews relevant psychoimmunology research and addresses the implications of these data for the lives and medical treatment of HIV-infected people. The human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) is the etiologic agent for the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). The extreme suppression of the immune system that is characteristic of AIDS leaves individuals vulnerable to "opportunistic" infections, diseases that are generally not a threat to healthy individuals. However, exposure to HIV does not necessarily result in seroconversion (i.e., immunologic changes reflecting HIV infection), moreover, HIV-infected individuals do not necessarily exhibit any clinical symptoms. The reasons for the progression from an asymptomatic seropositive status to the development of AiDS-related complex (ARC) are not well understood; similarly, only a certain percentage of ARC patients thus far have developed AIDS, and the time between development of AIDS and death is highly variable (Solomon & Temoshol¢, 1987). Physical cofactors that appear to promote seroconversion and disease progression include drug use, repeated exposure to HIV, other concurrent viral infections, and poor nutrition (Kaplan, Johnson, Bailey, & Simon, 1987). Because studies with both humans and animals have provided good evidence that behavior can influence immune function, psychosocial or behavioral variables are additional potential cofactors for HIV infection and disease progression. In this article we summarize relevant literature addressing psychological influences on immunity and discuss possible implications of this work for the lives and medical treatment of HIV-infected individuals. Background: Basic Immunological Concepts In order to measure immune function, the numbers and functional abilities of subgroups of lymphocytes (white blood cells) are assessed. Different lymphocyte subpopulations perform specialized functions, and there is no single immunological assay that provides a global measure of immune system competence. Because of the interdependence of various immunological components, adverse changes in one lymphocyte subpopulation can produce cascading effects. Behavioral influences on immunity are thought to be mediated in part through the endocrine system. The endocrine system is responsive to a variety of emotional states (Baum, Grunberg, & Singer, 1982), and there is good evidence for endocrine and neuroendocrine modulation of immunity (Ader, 1981). Unlike many autonomic and hormonal changes that can occur within seconds or minutes, most of the immunological components we will discuss take days or weeks to change significantly. Although some biochemical mediators may be synthesized in hours, significant changes in most lymphocyte subpopulations take considerably longer amounts of time. Therefore, a bad afternoon is probably not a sufficient stimulus to produce immunological changes of importance; however, several days of heightened dysphoria can alter a number of immunological parameters. Several immunological terms will be used in this article. The cellular immune response, one of the immune system's two arms, is particularly important for the defense against viruses such as HIV; cellular immunity refers to immune functions that primarily involve T-lymphocytes. T-lymphocytes, derived from the thymus, have a number of subgroups with important functions; for example, T-lymphocyte subclasses synthesize lymphokines, such as gamma interferon and the interleukins that function as communication links between immune and nonimmune cells and thus serve as potent immunological mediators. Helper T-lymphocytes stimulate the production of a number of other immunological activities, particularly the production of antibodies by B-lymphocytes. Suppressor T-lymphocytes act in a feedback loop to shut off the activities of helper T-lymphocytes when sufficient antibody has been produced to ward off a specific infection. HIV infects and ultimately destroys helper T-lymphocytes, disabling a very important immunological function. Whereas there are normally about twice as many helper T-lymphocytes as suppressor T-lymphocytes, excessively low helper-suppressor ratios are characteristic of AIDS because of the depletion of helper cells. For blastogenesis, a common assay, lymphocytes are 892 November 1988 • American Psychologist Copyright 1988 by the American I~chok~ical Association, Inc. 0003-066X/88/$00.75 Vol, 43, No. I 1,892-898 cultured for several days with a mitogen, a substance that stimulates cell growth and cell division. The assay is thought to provide a model for the body's lymphocyte proliferative response to foreign substances such as viruses or bacteria. Blastogenesis is clearly depressed among AIDS patients (Schechter et al., 1987). Natural killer (NK) cells are thought to provide an important defense against virus-infected cells and cancer cells (Bloom, 1980), and the ability of NK cells to destroy infected cells is clearly impaired in AIDS (Schechter et al., 1987). Interferon, a lymphokine, is a potent enhancer of various immune functions, including NK cell activity. Interferon has been of considerable interest as an antiviral agent; it also inhibits tumor growth in several tumor systems (Bloom, 1980). Immunological Changes Associated with Commonplace, Transient Events Commonplace stressful events can have significant immunological consequences. In a series of studies, it has been shown that immunological changes occur in medical students' blood samples taken during examinations compared with "baseline" samples taken one month previously when the students were not taking examinations. Examination blood samples had lower NK cell activity than samples obtained one month earlier (Glaser, Rice, Speicher, Stout, & Kiecolt-Glaser, 1986); in addition, lonelier students had lower levels of NK cell activity than their less lonely colleagues (Kiecolt-Glaser, Garner, Speicher, Penn, & Glaser, 1984). Gamma interferon showed precipitous, cyclical decrements (i.e., values during examination periods that were 5% or less of baseline values) in students followed across an academic year (Glaser et al., 1987). Blastogenesis was also lower during examinations (Glaser, Kiecolt-Glaser, Stout et al., 1985). Although not a consistent finding, examination stress has been associated with decrements in helper T-lymphocytes as well (Glaser, Kiecolt-Glaser, Stout et al., 1985; KiecoltGlaser et al., 1986). The data from the medical student studies are important because medical students have long histories of successful test-taking behavior. In spite of their familiarity with this stressor, they still show reliable affective changes (i.e., greater distress during examinations), as well as concomitant immunological changes. These data suggest that even very commonplace or frequently experienced stressors can affect immune function. Interpersonal Relationships and Immunity There is good evidence that interpersonal relationships have health-related consequences. Some of the most persuasive evidence comes from prospective epidemiological studies that show greater morbidity and mortality in peoWork on this article was supported in part by Grants R01 MH42096 and R01 MH40787 from the National Institute of Mental Health. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Janice K. Kiecolt-Glaser, Department of Psychiatry, Ohio State University College of Medicine, 473 W. 12th Ave., Columbus, OH 43210. pie with fewer close relationships (Cohen & Syme, 1985). Epidemiological and immunological data suggest that both the quality of relationships and their disruption are important (Bloom, Asher, & White, 1978; Renne, 1971). Separatlos o r Divorce Marital disruption, either through divorce or death, appears to be one of the most stressful of life events (Bloom ct al., 1978; Verbrugge, 1979). Both bereavement and divorce are associated with very high rates of physical and emotional disorders; marital disruption is the single most powerful sociodemographic predictor of physical and emotional illness (Somers, 1979). Although most of the epidemiological literature on marital disruption does not separate causes of morbidity or mortality, studies that have done so have shown higher rates of both infectious disease and cancer (Ernster, Sacks, Selvin, & Petrakis, 1979; Lynch, 1977; Somers, 1979). On the basis of these epidemiological data, a crosssectional study was designed to explore the possibility of immunological changes associated with adaptation to separation and divorce. Those women who had been separated one year or less had poorer immune function (across five of six assays) than their well-matched married community counterparts (Kiecolt-Glaser, Fisher et al., 1987). Moreover, among separated and divorced women, both shorter separation periods and greater continued attachment or preoccupation with the (ex)husband were associated with poorer immune function and greater depression and loneliness. Similar data were obtained in a study with men (Kiecolt-Glaser et al., 1988).

Pessimistic Explanatory Style in the Historical Record: CAVing LBJ, Presidential Candidates, and East Versus West Berlin

Abstract: " The habitual way people explain causes (explanatory style) as assessed by questionnaire has been used to predict depression, achievement, and health, with a pessimistic style predicting poor outcomes. Because some individuals whose behavior is of interest cannot take questionnaires, their explanatory style can be assessed by blind, reliable content analysis of verbatim explanations (CAVE) from the historical record. We discuss three examples of CAVing archival material First, shifts to a more optimistic style in Lyndon Johnson's press conferences predicted bold, risky action during the Vietnam War, whereas shifts to pessimism predicted passivity. Second, analyses of presidential candidates" nomination acceptance speeches from 1948 to 1984 showed that candidates who were more pessimistically ruminative lost 9 of the 10 elections. Third, explanatory style and its relation to depressive signs was considered at a societal level. There were more behavioral signs consistent with depression among workmen in East Berlin than in West Berlin bars. This finding corresponded to a comparatively more pessimistic explanatory style in East Berlin newspaper reports concerning the 1984 Winter Olympics. We suggest that pessimism and its consequences can be quantified and compared, not only in contemporary individuals but also across time and culture. Can pessimism and its consequences be measured across historical periods and cultures? One tool for measuring pessimism is the habitual way people explain the events that befall them, their "explanatory style" as found in archival documents. One way to measure the consequences of pessimism is to observe the symptoms of learned helplessness--passivity, poor achievement, and depressive signs--as they are found in the historical record. With these tools we can try both to test theories of explanatory style and to predict real-world behavior over historical periods and across cultures. In this article, we first present the theoretical background and describe our tools. In doing so, we detail a new method, the content analysis of verbatim explanations (CAVE), which allows blind, reliable ratings of archival material for explanatory style. Then we present three brief examples: President Johnson and the Vietnam War, prediction of who will win modern presidential elections, and pessimism in East and West Berlin. Our story begins with explanatory style and its relation to learned helplessness.