Asian Perspective 

About: Asian Perspective is an academic journal. The journal publishes majorly in the area(s): China & East Asia. It has an ISSN identifier of 0258-9184. Over the lifetime, 696 publications have been published receiving 6020 citations.

The brics countries (brazil, russia, india, and china) as analytical category: mirage or insight?

Abstract: American hegemony has passed its peak. The twentyfirst century will see a more multipolar international system. Yet Western European countries may not be the United States’ main foils in upcoming decades. Four new poles of the international system are now known in the business and financial press as the “BRICs economies” (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). Does the concept of “the BRICs” also have meaning within a rigorous political science framework? From the perspective of neoclassical economics, the category’s justification is surprising ly weak. In contrast, a political or economic realist’s framing instructs the United States to focus on states that are increasing their relative material capabilities, as each of the four is. Finally, within a liberal institutionalist’s model, the BRICs are a compelling set, yet one with a deep cleavage between two subgroups: large emerging powers likely to remain authoritarian or revert to that state, and states that are securely democratic.

Developmental States in East Asia: A Comparison of the Japanese and Chinese Experiences

Abstract: In the aftermath of the East Asian crisis and Japan's prolonged economic downturn , many observers considered that East Asia's distinctive model of state-led development had become redundant and irrelevant. And yet not only have aspects of this model persisted in Japan despite attempts to reform it , but China is actively embracing elements of neomercantilism and state interventionism that owe much to the

China's Climate Change Policy: Domestic and International Developments*

Abstract: This article demonstrates that prospects for emission reduction are not realistic under the current policy environment, and China is unlikely to take on commitments in the near future The major determinants of and actors involved in China's climate change policy are discussed, relating these to China's stance in global climate change negotiations Energy is seen as the key to economic development and is one of the main causes for China's unwillingness to take on emission reduction commitments Vulnerability to climate change is an emerging issue in China, and could contribute to elevating the climate change issue on China's domestic agenda in the future Global climate change is still seen as a remote matter by the country's policy makers, and remains a foreign-policy issue International pressure has not been able to change Beijing's stance of no commitments, although China is now an active participant in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), which has become a way to apply an international mechanism on domestic problems and one of the channels that China itself prefers to use in its climate-change efforts Key words: China, environmental protection-East Asia, sustainable development Introduction China is a key country in the international climate regime for two reasons First, it is important in the global climate-change game due to its status as the world's second largest emitter of greenhouse gases after the United States China's emissions are increasing steadily Second, its status and influence in the G-77 of Third World states give it prominence in climate negotiations As the world's largest developing country with an influential voice in the United Nations, China is set to play an important role in leading the developing world in the future climate regime How then will China contribute to efforts to reduce global emissions? When will it take on emission reduction commitments under the Kyoto Protocol? In recent years, some optimism has been detected as China has engaged in dialogue in the negotiations 1 Beijing's stance has, however, not changed: It still holds that the developed countries must take the main responsibility for past greenhouse gas emissions Therefore, I argue in this article that China is unlikely to take on commitments in the near future I will demonstrate that prospects for emission reduction are not realistic under the current policy environment for several reasons Moreover, the article discusses whether China is likely to leave the Kyoto Protocol altogether and pursue other alternative channels to reduce its emissions2 I begin by analyzing the reasons why China continues to resist mandatory reductions-ie, the major determinants for China's climate change policy-relating these to the country's stance in the global climate change negotiations The article discusses the main actors involved in and responsible for China's climate change policy, and how their dominance influences China's climate change policy China's climate policy is determined by both domestic and international considerations Key domestic interests in this regard are economic development, energy issues, and perceived vulnerability Understanding the domestic factors of China's climate policy has the potential to enhance and lead to more productive negotiations China's stance in international negotiations is also influenced by foreign policy, where major issues are sovereignty, equity, and international image The country's international standing and its wish to be seen as a respected member of the international community are important factors These international and domestic issues will be discussed in the sections below We will see how developments relate to both domestic and international climate policy by examining China's involvement in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) China is expected to become a major recipient of CDM investments Due to the country's coal-based energy, there is great potential for projects in energy efficiency, energy conservation, fuel switching, and renewable energy …

Patronage politics and hybrid democracy: political change in cambodia, 1993-2003*

Abstract: A “hybrid” democracy has evolved in Cambodia in which elections are regularly held and internationally endorsed. However, there are inherent defects beneath the facade of free and fair elections that result from the domination of the electoral arena by a single political party—the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). The intertwining of the CPP and the state initially offered the party a coercive mechanism that coopted and coerced voters and restricted opposition parties’ activities in rural areas. Subsequently, as internal and external political legitimacy has increasingly been linked to democratic procedures, the CPP and Prime Minister Hun Sen have used their domination of the state machinery to cultivate patronage politics that not only links them to voters but also to government officials and business tycoons. Such a web breeds corruption.