Showing papers in "Asian Politics & Policy in 2013"
TL;DR: The authors examined Japanese public opinion during the Koizumi premiership (2001-2006) and revealed relatively coherent and structural, yet changing, public opinion on the official Yasukuni visits, the idea of building an alternative non-religious national memorial, and the anti-Japanese riots in China.
Abstract: The Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo is arguably one of the most controversial lieux de memoire (sites of memory) in Asia. While the literature on the Yasukuni controversy has been growing, not much has been explored on the nature of Japanese public reactions to it. This study delves into Japanese public opinion during the Koizumi premiership (2001–2006) and reveals relatively coherent and structural, yet changing, public opinion on (1) the official Yasukuni visits by Prime Minister Koizumi, (2) the idea of building an alternative nonreligious national memorial, and (3) the anti-Japanese riots in China (and their ramifications on the understanding about the Yasukuni issue). Overall, the study highlights the observable gaps between Prime Minister Koizumi's Yasukuni policies and the underlying public perceptions of them, which also calls into question the conventional elite-led model of public opinion formation.
31 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the effect of political dynasties on effective governance was examined in the Philippine House of Representatives, where more than 60% of its members were dominated by such clans since the restoration of democracy in 1987.
Abstract: What is the effect of political dynasties on effective governance? To determine whether dynastic presence has a positive or detrimental effect on good governance, we examined the Philippine House of Representatives, an institution where more than 60% of its members have been dominated by such clans since the restoration of democracy in 1987. Specifically, we test whether provinces dominated by such established families are more likely to bring higher levels of pork barrel allocations to their provinces. The findings show how provinces dominated by family clans are less likely to experience good governance in terms of (a) infrastructure development, (b) spending on health, (c) the prevalence of criminality, (d) full employment, and (e) the overall quality of government. The implications of the empirical analyses convey that political dynasties have deleterious effects in terms of the allocation of public goods, even if their presence induces higher levels of congressional earmarks.
28 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors address the question of why some Southeast Asian states are strong and others weak by mapping state capacity across the region on two dimensions (fiscal and legal-administrative) and explore alternative explanations.
Abstract: Why are some Southeast Asian states strong and others weak? This article addresses this question by mapping state capacity across the region on two dimensions—fiscal and legal-administrative—and then exploring alternative explanations. It argues that variation in state capacities relates to differences in regime type and industrial structure. The region's democracies have greater fiscal state capacity than authoritarian regimes, and economies dependent on capital inflows associated with complex exports have greater legal-administrative state capacity than those dependent on other types of capital inflows.
20 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the link between Vietnam's adoption of the Doi Moi (renovation) policy and transformations in its China policy in the late 1980s and early 1990s as a case study of the domestic-foreign policy nexus.
Abstract: This article examines the link between Vietnam’s adoption of the Doi Moi (renovation) policy and transformations in its China policy in the late 1980s and early 1990s as a case study of the domestic–foreign policy nexus. The article argues that during this period, changes in Vietnam’s foreign policy in general and its China policy in particular originated first and foremost from the Vietnamese Communist Party’s (VCP) domestic agenda of promoting economic reform and protecting the regime’s survival. As the VCP considered hostile relations with China as detrimental to both its economic reform and regime security, it strived to mend relations with China as quickly as possible. Against this backdrop, Vietnam made a number of important concessions to China regarding the Cambodian issue in order to accelerate the normalization process, which eventually concluded in late 1991.
16 citations
TL;DR: According to conventional wisdom, the Chinese collective memory constructed within the enterprise of state-driven nationalism largely conforms to the presentist view of memory studies, however, the memory-based legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is premised upon some basic assumptions embedded in the indigenous political culture as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: According to conventional wisdom, the Chinese collective memory constructed within the enterprise of state-driven nationalism largely conforms to the presentist view of memory studies. The memory-based legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), however, is premised upon some basic assumptions embedded in the indigenous political culture. In the consumption of the collective memory of foreign aggression and invasion, the memory-encoded social norms have grounded the domestic expectations of the state's diplomatic behavior, which can both enable and constrain the deliberation and execution of Beijing's foreign policy. Due to China's fragile domestic politics and the resurgence of popular nationalism, collective memory manipulated by the authoritarian regime to enhance its legitimacy has become an endogenous variable of the CCP's diplomatic decision making and has led to China's paradoxical performance on the international stage. The rationality of the party-state on the foreign relations front has been bounded by the historical institution of collective memory.
10 citations
TL;DR: In Timor-Leste women lack a voice in customary governance processes as discussed by the authors, and women need to be involved in decision-making structures at national and local levels to ensure equal rights for men and women.
Abstract: In Timor-Leste women lack a voice in customary governance processes. Since independence in 2002 the Timor-Leste government has adopted policies that provide equal rights for men and women and promote the inclusion of women in decision-making structures at national and local levels. Womens participation in democratic governance has been supported by international development agencies. This article draws on field research in Timor-Leste in 2011 to investigate the experiences of women leaders in national and local governance structures. It analyzes the strategies to promote a national womens agenda in national politics as well as the challenges for women representatives on community governance councils. A case study on domestic violence provides analysis of the inconsistencies between customary leadership and the constitutional right to equality. The article argues that greater integration of the customary and national governance systems would better support the human rights principles to which Timor-Leste is committed.
9 citations
TL;DR: The border people's narratives encompass the simultaneous existence of contradictory feelings: guilt and appreciation, anger and sorrow, nostalgia and assimilation, and hope and disappointment as discussed by the authors, which are often contradictory, critical and hopeful in reflecting the dramatic ruptures in their lived experiences.
Abstract: The writings of Northern settlers in South Korea constitute a unique voice of their own, which I call “border people's narratives.” Their narratives are often contradictory, critical and hopeful in reflecting the dramatic ruptures in their lived experiences. Their voices stretch over between past and present, and the old home in North Korea and the new place of South Korea. The border people's narratives encompass the simultaneous existence of contradictory feelings: guilt and appreciation, anger and sorrow, nostalgia and assimilation, and hope and disappointment.
8 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors build on the established theories of public policy analysis, economics, and public finance by empirically investigating and analyzing the determinants of public expenditure on education in Thailand.
Abstract: This integrative study builds on the established theories of public policy analysis, economics, and public finance by empirically investigating and analyzing the determinants of public expenditure on education in Thailand. For the purposes of this study, it is posited that education expenditures are determined by multidimensional factors. A number of economic-demographic, political, institutional, and decision-making theories are therefore examined, together with the concept of education. This study recognizes and quantifies education expenditure by both types and stages of education according to the allocation of government budget and the education system in Thailand. The results reveal that education financing policy in Thailand is mainly determined by last year's expenditures. Industrialization also increases the total education expenditure. This is what the incrementalism theory and Wagner's Law postulate, respectively. Moreover, unemployment has an inverse impact on several types of education expenditures. The results imply that the Thai government mainly takes into account only certain factors and neglects to incorporate the importance of demographic and educational indicators when allocating education expenditures.
7 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue for the best use of theoretical eclecticism to comprehend Indonesia's policy perspective toward China's rise as a great power. But a look further into history shows deeper dynamics of Indonesia-China relations.
Abstract: In the last two decades, Indonesia has been swiftly maneuvering between China and the United States in the context of the great powers' contest in the region. But a look further into history shows deeper dynamics of Indonesia-China relations, in which Indonesia demonstrates paradigm shifts of its China policy on the verge of China's rise toward great power status. This article argues for the best use of theoretical eclecticism to comprehend Indonesia's policy perspective toward China's rise as a great power.
6 citations
TL;DR: Vote buying is often conceptualized incorrectly as having a simple dichotomous outcome: it is either practiced and it corrupts the electoral process, or it does not as mentioned in this paper, which fails to expose the complex nature of vote buying and its impact on voter turnout.
Abstract: Vote buying is often conceptualized incorrectly—whether stated or inferred, and usually without being operationalized—as having a simple dichotomous outcome: It is either practiced and it corrupts the electoral process, or it does not. Conceptualizing vote buying in this manner is not only misleading, but it also fails to expose the complex nature of vote buying and its impact on voter turnout. Instead, I conceptualize vote buying as a process that involves specific steps by answering the following questions: How does the vote-buying process unfold, and does vote buying result in votes for the vote buyer? I use interview data from Thai provinces to understand the experiences and perceptions of ordinary Thais at each step of the vote-buying process. The results highlight the importance of viewing vote buying as a process, in addition to understanding the relationship between vote buying and voter turnout.
6 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the essential need to balance freedom of speech and the promotion of national security in Malaysia is examined, and the theoretical debate of the nexus of liberty and security is traced.
Abstract: This article examines the essential need to balance freedom of speech and the promotion of national security in Malaysia. It traces the theoretical debate of the nexus of liberty and security. Then it moves toward debating two perspectives of free speech, namely, absolutism and reasonable regulation, which can also be observed in Malaysia. It is argued that the Barisan Nasional government practices comprehensive security and favors national security too much. It limits free speech through several restrictive laws. Critics argue that in reality the restrictions enable the longevity of the regime in power. Therefore, the opposition, civil society, and the Malaysian Human Rights Commission (SUHAKAM) demand political reform to permit people to practice more free speech. Due to such pressure, the ruling government has introduced the National Transformation Policy (2011–2020), which is yet to be fully implemented. There is doubt as to whether a balance between freedom of speech and national security can be realized.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the extent to which the Internet can be a force for democracy is contingent upon the state coercive capacity in cyberspace, and that any improvement in the country's overall democratic qualities may not affect the degree of state digital coercion.
Abstract: Does the Internet facilitate democratization or democratic entrenchment? The body of literature on the Internet and democracy points to scholarly divergence on this issue. This article seeks to contribute to this debate by analyzing Thailand's Internet regime as a crucial test case in the larger debate over the Internet and democracy. First, it argues that the extent to which the Internet can be a force for democracy is contingent upon the state coercive capacity in cyberspace. State coercion online—measured in terms of regulatory, institutional, infrastructural, and ideational dimensions—can thwart the democratic potential the Internet may bring. Second, using a rationalist analytical framework, this article argues that the Thai state will continue to employ repression online as long as the benefits outweigh the costs for political elites. As such, any improvement in the country's overall democratic qualities may not affect the degree of state digital coercion.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors tried to account for the "action-reaction conundrum" by illuminating how traditional realist practices are performing contrary to their security maximization objectives in the India-Pakistan rivalry.
Abstract: The majority of existing research on the Indo-Pakistani conflict has shown that this conflict persists due to the confronting actors' long-term incompatibility in goals and their use of realpolitik conceptions to resolve their core issue—Kashmir. While most of this research is focused on the dynamics of already established realpolitik scholarship, less is known about how it contributed to make this dyad exceedingly dangerous in the post–Cold War era. The present effort attempts to account for the “action-reaction conundrum” by illuminating how the traditional realist practices are performing contrary to their security maximization objectives in the India-Pakistan rivalry. In order to bring the two states out of their prolonged security dilemma, what is needed is a way forward through the transformation of the Line of Control on the basis of an approach that combines the Westphalian state and an alternative paradigm. This article concludes by discussing the steps required to move in this direction, that is, toward Indo-Pakistani coexistence and a progressive future for South Asia more generally.
TL;DR: This paper explored the scope and limitations of Australia's emerging dialogue with China and made the case for a sustained and multidimensional dialogue that harnesses more effectively the energies of civil society as well as business and government.
Abstract: Australia and China have evolved a synergistic relationship driven largely by the rapidly expanding Chinese demand for Australian resources. China's growing political and economic influence, regionally and globally, has prompted for different reasons the leadership of both countries to develop new channels and forms of communication. It has left Australian society with the unfamiliar task of engaging with a major center of power whose cultural and political traditions are radically different from its own. This article explores the scope and limitations of Australia's emerging dialogue with China. It makes the case for a sustained and multidimensional dialogue that harnesses more effectively the energies of civil society as well as business and government, thereby facilitating the task of redefining the relationship in a period of far-reaching transition.
TL;DR: In this article, the impact of the so-called "war on terror" on executive-assembly relations in comparative perspective is investigated, and various conditions under which the constitutionally sanctioned balance of power is most likely to be preserved in times of crisis are presented.
Abstract: External shocks to democratic systems are likely to threaten the stability of relations between the executive and the representative assembly. This article investigates the impact of the so-called “war on terror” on executive-assembly relations in comparative perspective. We analyze data from seven countries, which varied in terms of form of government, level of democracy, culture, social structure, and geographic location, to evaluate its effects. We find that whereas in some systems the “war on terror” altered the balance of power between the executive and the assembly, in other cases the extant balance of power was preserved. We postulate various conditions under which the constitutionally sanctioned balance of power is most likely to be preserved in times of crisis.
TL;DR: This paper used ordered logistical regression to test hypotheses derived from economic development and political development in modern authoritarian states, finding that economic development leads to a stronger middle class that develops a greater interest in politics and places demands upon the government, leading to regime concessions and an eventual democratic transition.
Abstract: Over the past several decades, modernization theory has offered much insight into the conditions necessary for a democratic transition. Proponents of this theory suggest that a link exists between economic development and a democratic transition. Economic development leads to a stronger middle class that develops a greater interest in politics and places demands upon the government, which may lead to regime concessions and an eventual democratic transition. Emerging research, however, suggests there is a link between economic development and the increase in the interest in politics within the working class. This study seeks to answer the question of how economic development impacts interest in politics across social classes in modern authoritarian states. I use ordered logistical regression to test hypotheses derived from these propositions. The results have important implications for understanding the relationship between economic development and political development.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors draw on ideas associated with two-level games to focus on the continuing difficulty within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) of reconciling national responsibilities and regional commitments.
Abstract: This article draws on ideas associated with “two-level games” to focus on the continuing difficulty within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) of reconciling national responsibilities and regional commitments. Using this perspective to examine three areas included in the remit of the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community—migrant workers, “haze”, and disaster management—it disaggregates some of the complex domestic and international pressures that can lead to varying regional outcomes. Whereas problems with regional cooperation are often simply laid at the door of recalcitrant governments or inadequate regional institutions, this lens foregrounds a different source of difficulties, in which significant domestic constituencies severely constrain what governments can offer to the region. Conceptualizing the national/regional interface in this way, however, also suggests ways through some of the sticking points. This lens therefore has implications for policy, advocacy, ASEAN's communication efforts, and its routine collaborative undertakings.
TL;DR: In this article, the relevant politics, medicine, economics, and air chemistry, recommending cap-and-trade policies that are acceptable where markets now rule in both “systems” of Hong Kong-Guangdong.
Abstract: The Pearl River Delta, after pell-mell industrialization, suffers air pollution. Two-thirds of the pollutants come from Hong Kong–owned factories in Guangdong. Direct 2011 medical costs in Hong Kong are reliably estimated at US$513 million, and annual excess Hong Kong deaths from air pollution exceed 3,000. Dirty air hurts quality of life, recruitment of professionals, tourism, and other desiderata—including government legitimacy. This article surveys the relevant politics, medicine, economics, and air chemistry, recommending cap-and-trade policies that are acceptable where markets now rule in both “systems” of Hong Kong-Guangdong. It stresses the need for official enforcement of caps. Although local governments have cooperated to establish air-monitoring stations, they have yet to leverage Hong Kong's expertise in regulation and Guangdong's potential for manufacture of air-cleansing equipment. They need a regional emissions trading scheme (ETS). With Beijing's plans to have a nationwide ETS by 2015, this severe problem could be solved sooner rather than later.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine South Korea's foreign policy behaviors, focusing on its policy related to the issue of troop dispatches abroad, and conclude that although there are various forms and declared objectives for Seoul's troop dispatch policy, the policy exhibits a consistent pattern: South Korean's relationships with and concern about the U.S. alliance is important; gaining economic benefits, especially winning construction projects, is an essential motivation; securing energy sources is also imperative; and Seoul's concern about its image and reputation around the world is becoming increasingly important.
Abstract: This article examines South Korea's foreign policy behaviors, focusing on its policy related to the issue of troop dispatches abroad. The analysis begins with an overview of troop dispatch overseas in international politics. After careful consideration of troop dispatch policies of other countries and the policy of South Korea, the study concludes that although there are various forms and declared objectives for Seoul's troop dispatch policy, the policy exhibits a consistent pattern: South Korea's relationships with and concern about the U.S. alliance is important; gaining economic benefits, especially winning construction projects, is an essential motivation; securing energy sources is also imperative; and Seoul's concern about its image and reputation around the world—and hence the promotion of soft power—is becoming increasingly important. The findings are both theoretically and empirically important given the lack of satisfactory research on nonmajor powers’ troop dispatch policies.
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