Showing papers in "Australian Journal of International Affairs in 1999"
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore key variables in the construction of regional order and propose a framework to explore the relationship between the regional system and regional society, which is called From Regional System to Regional Society (RSRS).
Abstract: (1999). From Regional System to Regional Society: Exploring Key Variables in the Construction of Regional Order. Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 3, pp. 247-260.
84 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the role of China in nuclear proliferation in Asia: The China Factor, and present a comprehensive survey of the relationship between China and the United States.
Abstract: (1999). Nuclear Proliferation in Asia: The China Factor. Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 1, pp. 31-41.
46 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, not the next Yugoslavia: Prospects for the Disintegration of Indonesia, the authors discuss the possibility of Indonesian independence from the United Kingdom of Australia and Australia.
Abstract: (1999). Not the Next Yugoslavia: Prospects for the Disintegration of Indonesia. Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 2, pp. 169-178.
25 citations
TL;DR: The use of terrorism has also widened in the 1990s, devolving down to the level of the amateur and part-timer as mentioned in this paper, which can be just as effective and deadly as that carried out by more established, 'professional' groups.
Abstract: Far from being made redundant by the end of the Cold War, terrorism remains the favoured instrument of the extreme and politically disaffected. Indeed in many ways, the practice has become even more complex, multifaceted and lethal. It continues to affect many regions of the world, particularly in the third world, repeatedly demonstrating its ability to undermine the normal course of socio-political interaction. In chronically affected states such as Sri Lanka, India, Pakistan and Algeria it is, arguably, one of the most important contributing factors to the wholesale breakdown of effective societal functioning. The use of terrorism has also widened in the 1990s, devolving down to the level of the amateur and part-timer. As the 1995 Oklahoma bombing vividly demonstrated, this type of ad hoc terrorism can be just as effective and deadly as that carried out by more established, 'professional' groups. Finally, as a mode of violence, terrorism has become progressively more violent and extreme, appearing, in certain instances, to be almost an end in itself (rather than a rational and limited means to an end). All of this suggests a disquieting trajectory for the future, not least in terms of the 'ultimate' Armageddon scenario of a major act of mass destruction terrorism. It is certainly unfortunate that just as the international system is approaching the end of the millennium and all the apocalyptic connotations this implies, terrorism has come of age as a threat which, while somewhat vague about its long term aims, is utterly ruthless in its short term intentions (Hoffman 1998:204-5).
23 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors evaluate the regional responses to the crisis, taking stock of both preventive and curative initiatives of significance, focusing on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and APEC.
Abstract: The currency-cum-financial crises of the 1990s, particularly that which hit Southeast Asia after the devaluation of the Thai baht on 2 July 1997, are suggestive of the relevance and pervasiveness of contagion or negative spillover effects that are largely regional in scope. As such, one of the mantras since the onset of the Southeast Asian financial crisis has been the need for 'regional solutions to regional problems'. Given that the two focal institutions in Southeast Asia, namely the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), were perceived as being successful in their past attempts in problem-solving, there were high expectations that such regionalism would be the key in finding solutions to the Southeast Asian financial crisis and mitigating the aftershocks. Accordingly, this paper evaluates the regional responses to the crisis, taking stock of both preventive and curative initiatives of significance. While the focus is on ASEAN and APEC, consiste...
14 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the Australian policy in East Timor and its effect on Australia's policy in the area of peacekeeping in Timor-Litjens this article.
Abstract: (1999). 'Peacekeeping' in East Timor: An Australian Policy Departure. Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 3, pp. 237-246.
12 citations
TL;DR: Despite its inauspicious start and virtual abandonment by the new Coalition government in Australia, the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons continued to attract international attention in arms control and disarmament circles as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Despite its inauspicious start and virtual abandonment by the new Coalition government in Australia, the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons continued to attract international attention in arms control and disarmament circles.
11 citations
10 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the role of legal argument in the Australian Diplomacy Opposing Japanese Antarctic Whaling 1945-1951: The Role of Legal Argument is discussed and discussed in detail.
Abstract: (1999). Australian Diplomacy Opposing Japanese Antarctic Whaling 1945-1951: The Role of Legal Argument. Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 2, pp. 179-192.
8 citations
8 citations
TL;DR: The Permanent International Criminal Court (PICC) as mentioned in this paper has been used for human rights and the rule of law in the UN since 1999, and has been criticised for the violation of human rights.
Abstract: (1999). Toward Universal Human Rights and the Rule of Law: The Permanent International Criminal Court. Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 1, pp. 95-111.
TL;DR: The Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 2, No 2, pp. 193-207 as mentioned in this paper, is a publication of the Australian Foreign Policy Review 1998.
Abstract: (1999). Perspectives on Australian Foreign Policy 1998. Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 2, pp. 193-207.
TL;DR: The Extraterritorial Dimension of US and EU Competition Law: A Threat to the Multilateral System? Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 1, pp. 113-125 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: (1999). The Extraterritorial Dimension of US and EU Competition Law: A Threat to the Multilateral System? Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 1, pp. 113-125.
TL;DR: The key challenge for India is to deter adequately two hand-in-glove nuclear adversaries, China and Pakistan, with engagement serving as a front for accelerated containment as mentioned in this paper, and India has yet to acquire the deterrent capacity to end China's nuclear threat.
Abstract: India’s emergence as a declared nuclear weapons state (NWS) has only sharpened its challenges to build a minimal but credible nuclear deterrent. India can build only a very small deterrent force because its stockpile of weapons-grade plutonium and its ® nancial resources are limited. New Delhi will need to have a high level of con® dence in the reliability and survivability of its arsenal so that the smallness of the deterrent is not a handicap. Such con® dence can come about only by rigorously meeting the technical and policy requirements of a deterrent. Potential adversaries will have to be left in no doubt about the retaliatory prowess of India if it were to come under attack. The key challenge for India is to deter adequately two hand-in-glove nuclear adversaries, China and Pakistan. India’s threat situation is unique: it is the only state in the world to share disputed borders with two closely aligned nuclear foes. India has yet to acquire the deterrent capacity to end China’s nuclear threat. It will have to plug this vulnerability at the earliest opportunity. New Delhi’s decade-long policy of rapprochement with Beijing since 1988 has not won it Chinese friendship, but enabled China both to engage and to contain India, with engagement serving as a front for accelerated containment. Covert Chinese transfers have neutralised India’s technological advantages over Pakistan. China also has sought to bring
TL;DR: In this article, the political and ethical dimensions of relocated art can be understood most adequately by eschewing the moral and legal claims to ownership of the art objects, which is the basic premise of this article.
Abstract: At the end of Word War II, Soviet occupation forces removed countless art objects from German soil. Some of them were returned during the 1950s, but most either disappeared for good or were stored away secretly in cellars of Soviet museums. The Cold War then covered the issue with silence. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, museums in St Petersburg and Moscow started to exhibit some of the relocated art for the first time in half a century. The unusual quality of the paintings-mostly impressionist masterpieces-not only attracted the attention of the international art community, but also triggered a diplomatic row between Russia and Germany. Both governments advanced moral and legal claims to ownership. To make things even more complicated, many of the paintings once belonged to private collectors, some of whom were Jews. Their descendants also entered the dispute. The basic premise of this article is that the political and ethical dimensions of relocated art can be understood most adequately by esche...
TL;DR: In this paper, non-compliance: Who Decides, What To Do? Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 1, pp. 71-81.
Abstract: (1999). Non-Compliance: Who Decides, What To Do? Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 53, No. 1, pp. 71-81.