Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Sociology in 1996"

The integration of visible minorities in Contemporary Canadian Society

Abstract: Using the 1991 Census Public Use Sample, this study examines the ethnic variations in education, occupation, and income and the connections between these dimensions of socioeconomic status Some European groups have attained income parity even if their educational levels are much lower than the average of the total population Though visible minorities tend to have a higher level of education, most of them are still under-represented in high status occupations and have incomes lower than what their educational and occupational achievements would merit Blacks and South Asians suffer the most in income inequality This study also reveals that various minority groups face different problems in their integration into Canadian society Resume A base des donnees d'echantillon du recensement 1991, nous examinons les variations entre groupes ethniques par rapport a l'education, le statut professionnel et le revenu Certains groupes europeens ont atteint le revenu moyen de l'ensemble de la population en depit des desavantages considerables en education Les groupes ayant un status de minorite visible ont des avantages en education, mais la plupart sont sous-representes aux plus hauts statuts professionnels et ils ont des revenus moyens inferieurs a ce que leur education et statut professionnel prediraient Ceux de race noire et les asiatiques du sud ont les statuts les plus inferieurs Cette etude indique que les divers groupes minoritaires font face a des differents problemes par rapport a l'integration dans la societe canadienne Two hypotheses have been advanced to explain ethnic stratification in Canada The first is the "ethnically blocked mobility" thesis, introduced first in Porter's The Vertical Mosaic (1965), which considers ethnicity as an important factor in Canadian class structure In this view, the socioeconomic achievement of members in an ethnic group is related to their entrance status when they immigrated to Canada An entrance status inferior to that of the charter groups may be intensified by the ethnic affiliation of the members Ethnic affiliation may restrain the status aspirations and achievement motivations of the members of the ethnic group As a consequence, they may have limited educational qualifications and may find themselves in a segmented labour market (Blishen 1970; Porter 1975) This view has come under attack in the past two decades following some empirical studies On the basis of the finding that ethnic occupational dissimilarity decreased over 1931-1971, Darroch (1979) questioned the assumption that the entrance status of an immigrant group may lead to permanent stratification linked to ethnicity Some studies also indicate that any privileged position the charter groups may have historically had in the occupational structure was being effectively challenged by other European ethnic groups (Pineo and Porter 1985; Tepperman 1975: 149-152) Furthermore, some authors have suggested that simplistic claims of ethnic identity as a hindrance to social mobility must be rejected because the causal relationship between ethnic identity and social mobility is minimal or non-existent (Isajiw, Sever, and Driedger 1993) The second hypothesis, the discrimination thesis, attributes the inferior position of some ethnic minority groups to the socioeconomic structure of the society In this view, unequal relations arise that systematically discourage and exclude some minorities from fully participating in mainstream society For example, visible minorities may be put into an inescapable socioeconomic trap because of racial prejudice and discrimination such that access to the full range of job opportunities and other socioeconomic resources of the country may be limited for them Often they are forced to stay at the periphery of the civic, political, and economic centres of society (Driedger 1989; Wiley 1967) Although passage of human rights legislation and official promotion of multiculturalism are aimed at eliminating structural discrimination in Canadian society, it is believed that discrimination persists in institutional settings and inter-personal relations …

Filling the world with self-esteem : A social history of truth-making

Abstract: Over the last one hundred years the concept of self-esteem has grown from a fragile idea used to ground the newly emerging discipline of psychology to a basic truth about human experience and motivation. In this paper, I examine the historical construction of the concept of self-esteem and its rise to the status of undeniable truth. Borrowing from actor-network theory in science and technology studies, I argue that truth-making can be seen as an ongoing process involving the mobilization of human and non-human actants and the construction of an encompassing network of truth. This approach is used to show how self-esteem slowly came to dominate discussions of the self in the twentieth century. The paper also uses actor-network theory to critique other contempo- rary accounts of truth, particularly those found in scientific realism, postmodern textualism, and social constructionism.

Gender and faculty pay in Canada

Abstract: . Analysis of a 1986 survey of Canadian university faculty shows that the overall gender gap in pay is $8,500 per year. Accounting for male faculty's being older, on average, and level of highest degree, the gender gap -- our estimate of discrimination -- is $4,910 per year. Discriminatory processes of promotion account for much of the gender gap. In addition, the gap is much greater for full professors than for women at lower ranks. Universities and disciplines differ considerably in pay, but the uneven distribution of women among institutions and disciplines does not disadvantage women. Also, research productivity has little impact on pay or the gender gap. The findings are consistent with a bureaucratic model of pay determination, rather than human capital and segmentation approaches. Resume. Un sondage des professeurs universitaires au Canada en 1986 montre un ecart de 8 500$ par annee antre les salaires moyens des femmes et des hommes. Tenant compte de l'age et du niveau du diplome le plus avence, notre calcul de l'effet de descrimination est de 4 910$ par annee. L'ecart est beaucoup plus grand pour les professeurs titulaires que pour les niveaux inferieurs. Les universites et les disciplines ont differents niveaux de salaire, mais la distribution des femmes et des hommes parmi les universites et les disciplines ne desavantage pas les femmes. En plus, la productivite des chercheurs n'a qu'un effet faible sur les salaires et sur l'ecart entre les femmes et les hommes. Ces resultats soutiennent un modele bureaucratique de la determination des salaires, plutot que les modeles fondes sur les concepts du captial humain ou sur la segmentation. Introduction The "gender gap" in pay results from a combination of institutional factors, such as differences in the representation of women in occupations and industries and in the prevalence of part-time employment, and in individual differences in education and training, seniority, and so on. Even after accounting for the skills and other characteristics of workers, occupations employing larger proportions of women tend to pay lower wages (England, et al., 1988; Fox and Fox, 1986; Stanek-Kilbourne, et al., 1994; Tolbert, 1986). Because of the complexity of the occupational structure and the strong relationships between the characteristics of employers and individuals, case studies of relatively homogeneous work environments can provide important insights into the mechanisms of pay determination that are obscured in broader studies of the labour force. This article presents such a case study of the pay of full-time university faculty in Canada. The relatively similar bureaucratic structures of universities and the national market for academic labour produce uniformity in both general patterns and gender differences in pay. Relative to employment in private industries dominated by large firms, full-time academic work in universities has a highly standardized, very flat rank structure (essentially three ranks) and a fairly uniform structure of faculties and departments. Academic employment is segmented along both organizational and occupational lines. Even within provinces, universities have their own pay structure, and the unions and associations representing faculty are also independent. As a result, there are, potentially, pay differences between individual universities, related to their size, prestige, and historical experience; and between universities in different provinces. Simultaneously, university faculty are segmented into many academic specialties whose work is not interchangeable. While our main concern in this paper is with the effect of gender on pay, measuring and interpreting the impact of gender requires a model of faculty wage structure that "explains" pay differences in general. In the next section, we discuss the models, then we present a statistical analysis of faculty pay, based on a 1986 survey of Canadian faculty, conducted for Professor Jos Lennards by the Institute for Social Research at York University. …

Towards a Sociology of Standards: Problems of a Criterial Society

Abstract: . In recent years, we have witnessed widescale quality problems in industries, professions and institutions, accompanied by arguments over causes of decline, and confusion over systems of standards assessment. Because there has been no general systematic attempt to comprehend standards -- their meaning, operation, decline -- across different institutions, I have suggested models for understanding the dynamics of standards, focusing upon the growth and problems generated by bureaucratized criterial systems in institutions such as medicine, law, education, science, mass culture, which clash with values and standards. Based on these issues, a proposal is made for the development of a social science of standards. Resume. Dans les dernieres annees des problemes de qualite a grande echelle ont surgi dans les industries, professions et institutions. En constatant ces problemes, on a invoque des causes de declin et la confusion causee par les systemes d'evaluation selon des normes. Parce qu'il n'y a pas eu d'essai systematique general de comprendre les normes -- leur signification, leur mode d'operation et leur declin -- dans les differentes institutions, j'ai suggere des modeles pour comprendre la dynamique des normes. Je me suis concentre sur la croissance et les problemes generes par les systemes de bureaucratisation dans les institutions de medecine, de droit, d'education, de science et de culture de masse qui sont en conflit avec les valeurs et les normes. De ce fait, on propose de developper une science sociale de normes. Social critics argue that societies pass through periods in which the standards of major institutions crumble. (1) During the past decade, for example, medicine, law, education, industry, accounting and science have been criticized for declining standards (Brinkley, 1985; Drill, 1985; Katz, 1984; Sullivan, 1987; Van Harrison, 1986). Government agencies and concerned physicians have estimated that as many as 45,000 incompetent physicians were practicing in the US (Brinkley, 1986); malpractice claims have risen sharply (Van Harrison, 1986: 3), medical schools have expanded too rapidly, recruiting too many students and inadequately testing them (Bergen, 1988). In science, repeated allegations of shoddy research and fraud have filled the pages of newspapers and journals (Singer, 1989; Goldstein, 1991). In education, the decline in standards, from elementary schools to universities, has been documented through extensive research on student and teacher proficiency testing (De Witt, 1991; Henry, 1994). Judges and lawyers have complained of the lack of competence of contemporary lawyers (Strehlow, 1981) and have criticized the excessive numbers turned out by law schools. (2) The accounting industry -- watch guard of fiscal matters in the largest US companies -- has come under unprecedented attack, spearheaded by Congressional hearings, for failure to "meet professional standards" in the massive collapse of savings and loan associations during the late 1980s (Wayne, 1989; Feinberg, 1987; Buchanan, 1991; Robinson, 1988.) American industry has suffered substantial losses because of the decline in quality (the largest auto maker, in spite of being defined as "excellent" lost nearly half its domestic market in the 1980s). The service industries have followed other industries and institutions in decline according to academic and business analysts (Quinn and Gagnon, 1986). During this period, many books and articles dealing with the problems in quality have appeared, offering diverse and often disparate diagnoses and nostrums for what has appeared to be a widespread decline in standards (Peters and Waterman, 1982; Gabor, 1992; Dobyns and Crawford-Mason, 1991). Major professions and institutions have been rethinking and debating the way in which standards are developed, assessed and applied. In education, for example, Albert Shanker, spokesperson for American teachers, has publicized the debate over educational standards in a series of editorial advertisements in leading newspapers and magazines (Shanker, 1988, 1990); there has been spirited debate concerning the examinations produced by Educational Testing Service, and upon which much of the US educational establishment depends; and the way in which standards are applied in decisions on graduate fellowships in Canada has been questioned (Singer, 1994). …

Intergenerational Occupational Mobility Among Men in Canada and Australia

Abstract: To examine in more detail the results of global comparisons of male occupational mobility rates and patterns, we chose two countries that are matched closely on a number of important socioeconomic dimensions, Canada and Australia. Although we find no difference between the two countries in their rates of exchange mobility, this superficial similarity masks important differences in both patterns of structural mobility and in the role of education in the status transmission process. While in Canada a university degree eliminates the effect of origin status on current occupational status, in Australia we observe the same effect among those with any amount of post-secondary schooling. As well, the Canadian mobility regime is characterized by considerably more structural mobility than is the Australian, particularly for movement involving farming.

Mainstream Neglect of Sexual Harassment as a Social Problem

Abstract: . Coverage of sexual harassment was analyzed through articles published in twenty journals between 1986 and 1994. The analysis covered 914 issues and over 4,500 articles from Canada and the US. Results showed a clear neglect of the topic in the mainstream, while sexual harassment articles appeared almost exclusively in gender-based journals. Androcentric biases and traditional fears about claims-making activities are offered as reasons for this neglect. Some authors of published articles recalled gatekeeping by the reviewers/editors of the mainstream journals. Others admitted to avoiding the mainstream themselves. The dangers involved in covering sexual harassment solely through gender-based journals are highlighted. Resume. Les reportages sur le harassement sexuel ont ete analyses dans les articles publies dans vingt revues entre 1986 et 1994. L'analyse porte sur 914 numeros de revue et plus de 4500 articles publies au Canada et aux Etats-Unis. Les resultats montrent une negligence evidente de ce sujet dans les publications d'interet general, mais la question du harassement sexuel est debattue presqu'exclusivement dans les revues feministes. On suggere ici que la raison de cette negligence se trouve dans les partis-pris "androcentriques" et la peur traditionelle pour les sujets contentieux. Certains auteurs d'articles publies mentionnent le role de triage exerce par les critiques et les editeurs des revues d'interet general. D'autres reconnaissent avoir evite eux-memes ce genre de publications. Finalement on met en evidence le danger de la negligence et le probleme de limiter les articles sur le harassement sexuelaux publications feministes. Introduction This paper explores the response of mainstream social sciences to sexual harassment as a social problem. First, social problematization and the role of gender in this process are discussed. Then, the sexual harassment literature is reviewed. Third, discrepancies between mainstream versus gender-based coverage of this problem is compared and reasons and implications are explored. Although there are variations, early definitions of social problems entail 1. objective situations of social disorganization, 2. social values of a sizable population endangered by this disorganization, and 3. recognition of the need for social action (Laskin, 1964; Freeman and Jones, 1973). Social problems hinder personal goals and frustrate people in their prevailing relations (Raab and Selznick, 1959; Merton and Nisbet, 1961). The above criteria explicitly assume the factual nature of social problems. Implicitly, it is expected that such problems will summon social scientific attention. In Laskin's (1964: 9) words, "The problem could not be too severe if not much is written on it; it is likely to be severe if a great deal is written on it." Other views on social problems emphasize the social construction aspect that earlier definitions had missed (Spector and Kitsuse, 1977). Constructionism underscores the socially fabricated nature of social reality as opposed to assessment of facts devoid of their social meanings. More recent approaches to social problems also take into account the power of some groups in the claims-making activities. Even the so called "neutrality" of academics as observers within the claims-making process is questioned (Gordon, 1993; Holstein and Miller, 1993; Smith, 1990). "The days when we could naively assume that knowledge and truth presented themselves in unadulterated form to scholars who simply and neutrally recorded the phenomena around them are long since past" (Spender, 1981: 193). Gillespie and Leffler (1987: 491) poignantly show the road blocks set against social problem claimants when they receive "more critical scrutiny than those in favour of the [status quo]." Using sexual harassment as a case in point, the authors demonstrate how methodology (generalizability, operational definitions, etc.) can be used as an intellectual weapon to scrutinize and even alter the nature of the problem, which eventually gets reflected in the literature (Gillespie and Leffler, 1987: 498). …

The reproduction of class relations by gender in Canada

Abstract: . This paper builds on the research on occupational mobility and class reproduction in Canada and elsewhere by drawing on a national representative sample of Canadians surveyed in 1986. It evaluates the effect of mother's and father's class on class position of male and female Canadians, controlling for education, age, ethnicity, language, and region. The analysis shows that the tendency for class--defined in terms of relations of production and exploitation--reproduction in Canada exceeds that which could be expected by chance alone, that the level of class reproduction is about equal for the ownership and the new middle classes, that class reproduction is same-sex directed, and that father's effect is stronger on sons than on daughters and that mother's effect is stronger on daughters than it is on sons. Resume. Cette communication vient s'ajouter aux recherches sur la mobilite professionnelle et de la reproduction des classes au Canada et ailleurs. Pour ce faire, elle s'inspire d'un echantillon national representatif des Canadiens ayant fait l'objet d'un sondage en 1986. Elle evalue l'effect de la classe du pere et de la mere sur la position sociale des Canadiens et des Canadiennes, en prenant en consideration les etudes, l'age, l'ethnicite, la langue et la region. L'analyse indique que la tendance a reproduire les classes, definie en termes des relations de production et d'exploitation, depasse les niveaux qu'on aurait pu prevoir en tenant compte uniquement du hasard. De plus, elle montre que ces niveaux de reproduction sont a peu pres les memes pour les classes des proprietaires et les nouvelles classes moyennes, que la reproduction des classes est dirigee par les parents du meme sexe et que l'influence du pere aupres des fils est plus forte que celle qu'il exerce sur les filles, alors que la mere exerce une plus grande influence sur les filles que sur les fils. There have been substantial shifts in the class structure of Canadian society. Whether these changes are rooted in technological innovations or the development of corporate capitalism, they have resulted in the growth of large bureaucratic organizations in which professional-administrative and managerial positions (i.e., a new middle class) have multiplied while the proportion of labourers employed in farming, low-skilled manual, and non-manual occupations has either decreased or remained the same (Clement and Myles, 1994; McRoberts, 1985a: 76; Porter and Blishen, 1971). (2) The increasing differentiation of the Canadian labour force and the expansion of professional-administrative and managerial positions necessarily produces a certain level of forced mobility. What is not clear, however, is whether access to these new positions is more or less equal than before. Has the recent transformation of class structure produced a significant shift in the way in which the class of origin influences the class of destination? This paper intends to address this issue by evaluating the extent of class mobility in Canada using a neo-Marxian conceptualization of class concept. Review of the Literature A subject of vigorous debate is the degree to which placement in various class positions is influenced by a rational procedure of social selection or some type of ascribed sponsorship. Writers in the liberal-pluralist tradition, rooted in the work of Spencer (see Carneiro, 1967) and Parsons (1951: 76-98, 183-189; 1960: chs. 3 and 4; 1967, ch. 4) and that elaborated by Treiman (1970) and Erickson and Goldthrope (1992), argue that with advanced industrialization, such as that in Canada, there occurs a decreasing rigidification of the class structure and increasing likelihood of inter- and intra-generational mobility. Industrialization entails technological advancement, more differentiation of division of labour, and more rational organization of employment. Traditional authoritarian ascriptive norms are replaced by new norms, based on universalism and equality of opportunity, which are congruent with the expanding division of labour. …

Labour force interruptions : The influence of marital status and presence of young children

Abstract: Les AA. cherchent a determiner si le statut marital et la presence d'enfants sont des elements importants pour expliquer les variations dans les interruptions de travail. L'Enquete sur le Marche du Travail, realisee entre 1988 et 1990, permet de mesurer les interruptions de travail sur une periode de trois ans, ainsi que des ajustements pour divers facteurs d'ordre demographique, socio-economique et socio-culturel. L'analyse par regression logistique indique que le statut marital et la presence de jeunes enfants sont tous deux importants pour expliquer les differences selon le sexe dans les interruptions de travail. Le mariage et le fait d'avoir de jeunes enfants tendent a reduire les interruptions de travail pour les hommes. Chez les femmes, la presence d'enfants augmente la probabilite d'interruption, surtout si elles ne sont pas mariees

"This Is How It's Always Been Done": The Treatment of Academic Misconduct in Canada

Abstract: Several new books and reports on the subject of academic misconduct, including academic fraud (Arthurs, Blais, and Thompson, 1994; Lafollette, 1992, etc.), as well as the appearance of a special issue of the Journal of Higher Education in May 1994 devoted to this topic, have signalled growing interest by the educated public, and especially by academics. A discussion group "Scifraud" on the Internet has recently formed with the purpose of discussing the nature and definition of academic misconduct as well as the institutional context in which it occurs. This Note on Society reflects on the contexts of scientific misconduct and academic fraud, focusing specifically on fabrication and falsification of data. It discusses policies on academic misconduct in the United States and describes current approaches to dealing with academic misconduct in Canada. Some suggestions are offered for making this process more open and effective. Definitions What is meant by "academic misconduct"? Definitions sometimes encompass relatively minor forms of scientific misdemeanor, e.g., failure to keep adequate and careful records, sloppy research methods, refusal to disclose or share data, piecemeal publication (which can on occasion be justified), or "gift authorship." But fabrication and falsification, together with plagiarism, form the trinity ("FFP") that is at the core of serious scientific "misconduct" (cf. Hackett, 1994). Whether it is better to use the broader or the narrower definition of academic misconduct has been the subject of debate. The National Science Foundation (NSF) in the United States prefers the broader view, while the National Academy of Science (NAS) discounts the minor forms that (they argue) do not directly affect integrity and puts FFP at the heart of any discussion of "misconduct." Other behavior deviating from established and accepted research practices may have to be dealt with by universities or funding agencies in some way, but it should not distract us from the consideration of serious misconduct, namely fabrication, falsification, and plagiarism, to which I will confine my comments in this Note (cf. Hackett, 1994). (2) We must recognize that "fabrication" and "falsification," when alleged or proved, generally imply intent to deceive (cf. Lafollette, 1992). When a false impression is created by a careless, but honest, error the terms "fabrication," "falsification," or "fraud" are inappropriate. Although these distinctions are clear enough in principle, in practice they may not be so easy to apply. Plagiarism, the third component of FFP, is an attempt to publish as one's own work produced by another. This violates intellectual property rights of individuals, but since the work or the idea itself may be quite sound, plagiarism does not destroy the foundations of empirical science, and therefore is, in my opinion, a less serious threat than the other two components. Fabrication or falsification of data undermines the foundations of trust in scientific work and devalues the currency of empirical investigations, making research questionable and ultimately pointless. Fabrication and falsification of data are in fact fraud in the criminal sense, and as such are as destructive of the system of science as fraud in banking is destructive of the financial system. Ben-Yehuda (1985) notes: "Government corruption breeds contempt for the law, cynicism, and disrespect for the social order. Likewise, deviance in science can lead to distrust of science and shatter its legitimacy" (p. 202). Academic Misconduct in Canada To the best of my knowledge, only four officially substantiated cases of serious academic misconduct (i.e., FFP or misuse of research funds) have come into the public domain in Canada, all of them very recently. Briefly, they are the following -- in all cases the institutions are named, but not the individuals, as their names are not to the point here: Concordia University (Kaihla, 1992) Universite de Montreal and St. …

Mere Anarchy? Canada's "Turbot War" as the Moral Regulation of Nature

Abstract: . In this paper, Canada's actions in its March 1995 "turbot war" Spain are examined in the context of sociological theories dealing with moral regulation, governmentality, and ecological modernization in postmodern society. I argue that Canada's actions constitute a process which I term "the moral regulation of nature." I argue, further, that Canada's success in defending its actions in moral rather than legal terms calls into question theories of "risk society" which predict growing sub-political activity over environmental issues undermining the legitimacy of the state. I contend that Canada's moral justification of its actions demonstrates the ability of the state to adapt to the growing environmental consciousness of citizens. I conclude that Canada's actions also may be seen as an indication that the separation of nature from society which began in the Enlightenment may be coming to an end. Resume. Cet article examine les actions du Canada lors de sa "guerre du Turbot" contre l'Espagne en mars 1995. L'analyse s'inscrit dans le cadre des theories sociologiques portant sur la regulation morale, la gouvernementalite et la modernisation ecologique de la societe post-moderne. L'aureur affirme que les actions du Canada constituent un processus qu'il nomme "la regulation morale de la nature". Selon liu, le succes que le Canada a obtenu en defendant ses actions sur le plan moral plutot que legal remet en question les theories du risque. Ces theories predisent que les enjeux environnementaux entrainent une activite per-politique croissante qui restreint la legitimite de l'etat. L'article demontre, qu'au contraire, l'etat peut s'adapter a la conscience environnementale grandissante de ses citoyens. La justification morale que le Canada a reussie a etablir pour defendre ses actions en serait un exemple. L'auteur conclut que les actions du Canada peuvent aussi laisser deviner la fin de la separation entre la nature et la societe, separation qui existe depuis les Lumieres. -- Mere Anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere the ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. -- W.B. Yeats, "The Second Coming" Introduction On 9 March 1995, Canada took the unprecedented action of using force to seize a Spanish fishing trawler and its crew on the high seas outside even the 200 mile fishery protection limit. The outrage from Spain was intense. Even the normally placid European Community responded by describing Canada's boarding and seizure of Spanish vessels fishing in these international water as "acting in violation of the International Law of the Sea" (CBC Radio News, 6 March 1995) and declared that Canada was engaging in "open piracy" (CBC T.V. News, 7 March 1995). Indeed, from the tenor of Spanish and European Community statements Canada's actions would appear to constitute (to borrow Yeats's phrase) a situation in which "mere anarchy was loosed upon the world." Furthermore, the Canadian attacks were directed by Canada's then Fisheries Minister, the Honourable Brian Tobin, with a level of "passionate intensity" usually not associated with Canadian national character, and certainly not associated with Canada's traditional international role of world peacekeeper. Under such circumstances, it might seem as though Canada's "innocence was drowned." This paper will address, from a combination of sociological perspectives, some of the ways in which Canada's action in the so-called "turbot war" can be understood, not as "mere anarchy," but as an attempt by a liberal democratic state to use mass communication media to win public opinion. It will be argued that Canada's statements and actions during that period reflect a perspective on the role of the state, the nature of "governmentality," and the conception of nature that together constitute a form of "moral regulation. …

Social Assistance and the Employability of Mothers: Two Models from Cross-National Research

Abstract: . This paper discusses ideologies of the "employability" of low-income single mothers that are inherent within the social programs of several countries, based on research from a larger cross-national study of policies to reduce family poverty. Although all countries in this study provide social assistance to low-income parents, the eligibility requirements, benefit levels, administration, and basic philosophy behind the programs vary considerably. The main difference in eligibility relates to whether low-income mothers with young children at home are considered to be "employable". Two models of employability for low-income mothers and two variations within each model are examined within this paper. The ideological underpinnings of these models and the implications these policy options have for women are also discussed. I argue that the concept of employability is being used by conservative governments in liberal democracies to divert attention away from structural unemployment and income security. Furthermore, tightening definitions of employability can be particularly detrimental to low-income mothers if statutory protection and child care services are not provided to help them combine raising children and earning a living. Resume. Cette recherche se penche sur les ideologies inherentes aux programmes sociaux de divers pays. L'article examine, de facon particuliere, I'influence de ces ideologies sur les definitions de l'aptitude au travail remunere des meres de familles monoparentales a faible revenu. Cette analyse reprend les donnees d'une etude comparative plus vaste sur les politiques destines a reduire la pauvrete familiale. Bien que les huit pays etudies offrent de l'aide sociale aux familles a revenu minimum, les caracteristiques de cette assistance different d'un pays a l'autre. En effet, les criteres d'eligililite, l'echelle des benefices, l'administration et la philosophie de ces programmes sociaux varient considerablement. La difference principale quant a l'eligibilite renvoi aux divers criteres selon lesquels une mere ayant de jeunes enfants a la maison et un faible revenu est consideree apte ou non a occuper un emploi sur le marche du travail. L'article decrit deux modeles qui definissent l'aptitude au travail remunere de meres au revenu minimum. De plus, deux variantes pour chacun de ces modeles sont presentees. Par ailleurs, l'etude expliques les fondements ideologiques de ces modeles et indique que les politiques qui s'ensuivent ont des repercussions pour les femmes. L'auteur affirme que les gouvernements conservateurs de democraties liberales utilisent le concept d'aptitude a l'emploi afin de detourner l'attention portee au chomage structurel et a la securite materielle. En outre, la restriction des definitions de la susceptibilite d'etre employe peut s'averer particulierement nuisible aux meres a faible revenu. Les consequences seront defavorables si des lois et des services d'aide a l'enfance ne sont pas disponibles pour aider les meres celibataires employees a l'exterieur du foyer a elever leurs enfants. Introduction: Social Assistance and Employability This paper examines the concept of "employability" as it applies to low-income mothers with young children, drawing on cross-national comparisons from a recent project of policies to reduce child and family poverty in eight industrialized countries. (1) Although all countries in this study provide social assistance to low-income parents, the eligibility requirements, benefit levels, administration, and basic philosophy behind the programs vary considerably. The main difference in social assistance eligibility relates to whether mothers with young children at home are considered to be "employable" or whether the government is willing to use public money to support these mothers to care for their children at home (Baker, 1995). Two models of employability for low-income mothers and two variations within each model are examined within this paper. …

"Make Me Truthful, Good, and Mild": Values in Nineteenth-Century Ontario Schoolbooks

Abstract: . This paper examines values in textbooks used in Upper Canada/Ontario primary schools between 1846 and 1910. Value-oriented content was prominent in these books. Their focus on social class, work motivations, and general personal morality reflected closely the political apprehensions of the province's upper class. At the same time, these fears were often based on erroneous assessments of Ontario society and led to values in the schoolbooks which veered away from or even contradicted the interests of this group. Such discrepancies underline the complexity of the relationship between class structure, beliefs, and values. Resume. Cet article examine les valeurs morales dans les manuels scolaires utilises dans les ecoles primaires du Haut Canada/Ontario entre 1846 et 1910. Il demontre que tels valeurs constituerent une part importante de ces livres, et que l'emphase qu'elles mettaient sur la structure des classes sociales, sur le travail, et sur la morale personnelle en general refletait les apprehensions politiques de la haute classe de la province. Quand meme, ces peurs etaient souvent basees sur des estimations erronees de characteristiques effectives de la societe Ontarienne, et produisaient des valeurs dans les livres scolaires qui furent egalement hors de propos ou qui meme contredisaient les interets de ce groupe. De tels desaccords soulignent la complexite de la relation entre la structure sociale et les croyances et valeurs morales. This study examines values in textbooks used in the elementary grades of Ontario public schools between 1846 and 1910. During the early decades of that period, Canada's first publicly financed, compulsory system of education was established in the province, with a central administration which set policies, inspected schools, and selected textbooks. Ontario's example, in turn, led to very similar school acts in other provinces. (2) Egerton Ryerson, whose ideas shaped Ontario's educational policies, became "Canada's most influential nineteenth-century schoolman" (Lawr and Gidney 1973: 51). Work by Houston (1972), Prentice (1977), and Curtis (1988) has done much to revise conventional views of nineteenth century educational policies as benevolent and enlightened efforts to create a modern, progressive school system in a still largely rural society. Good intentions and enlightened ideas were not absent from the work of policy makers such as Ryerson; evangelical notions of human salvation gave way to an increasingly secular optimism regarding the improvement and perfectibility of children (Prentice 1977: 25, 26). However, Houston, Prentice and Curtis also show that educational policies were infused with a hefty dose of class interest. Ryerson's most persuasive argument against upper class resistance to increased taxation for a public school system was that the "balance gain financially" of public schools was clearly on the side of "the wealtheir classes of the community" (Annual Report 1848: 38): education could legitimate class differences, reduce social unrest, and create a lower class with desirable work habits. However, past research on the social origins of education in Ontario has suffered from two shortcomings. First, it has concentrated almost exclusively on the views and policies of the creators and administrators of the public school system. By contrast, we know little or nothing about how these policies influenced the actual school curriculum. An examination of the values of the textbooks cannot tell us how they were taught in the classroom or how they influenced pupils. But it can bring us an important step closer towards understanding the link between ideological priorities and the education of children in nineteenth century Canada. Second, past research has tended to portray the influence of social class on early education in Ontario as a seamless web of educational policies and class interests. Upper classes in particular appeared to have no difficulty making rational and foresightful choices which served their political interests to perfection. …

Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women

Abstract: The United Nations' Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing from 4 to 15 September 1995, was the latest in a series which began in 1975, International Women's Year, and continued through the UN Decade for Women (1976-85). Each conference adopted an action plan whereby member nations agreed to take certain steps to improve the status of women and bring about equality, development, and peace (the Decade themes). Each conference was accompanied by a parallel nonofficial Women's NGO Forum, attended by ever-larger numbers of women determined to influence the outcome of the official UN conference. (1) The Forums are times for networking, exchanging information, celebrating, and planning action. (2) The NGO Forums are by far the larger and more colourful of the two meetings (the Beijing Forum was attended by about 30,000 women); whether they are also the more important in bringing about change is a matter of debate. They do indicate the widespread support, indeed, determination, of women globally, without which the action plans of these conferences are not likely to be implemented. Ultimately, it is up to the citizenry to ensure that the decisions taken at such conferences are actually put into practice, and the Forums are a useful part of the process of consciousness raising and publicizing that support citizen monitoring and enforcement of governments' commitments. The first such conference was held in Mexico City in 1975, to initiate the UN Decade for Women and adopt a World Plan of Action for women's equality. This plan set out specific and concrete steps to be taken by member nations for the first five years of the Decade. The 1980 Copenhagen conference reviewed and appraised implementation, and identified actions for the second half of the Decade. At the end of the Decade, Nairobi was the site of the 1985 conference, at which the Forward-Looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women (FLS) agreement was adopted, committing governments to achieve the objectives of the Decade by the year 2000. FLS identified obstacles to achieving women's equality, development, and peace; measures to overcome the obstacles; and specific strategies to implement the measures, to be undertaken at the international and national level. The commitments in FLS included general promises to integrate women into every level and stage of planning and decision-making for action on every issue affecting women (quite broadly defined); and statements concerning actions to be taken to deal with specific areas of concern (for example, health, political participation, education, paid work, peace, environment, violence against women). Governments report regularly to the UN on progress in FLS implementation. (3) These various action plans of the Decade are supported by another international agreement, the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), an international legal convention ratified by Canada in 1981, binding under international law. CEDAW signatories must take the necessary steps to remove ALL forms of discrimination against women. CEDAW defines discrimination as "any difference in treatment ... on the grounds of sex that has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, on a basis of equality with men, of their human rights and fundamental freedoms in all spheres of life." This means the "exercise and enjoyment of all civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, not only in public, but also in private life." (4) Canada must report at least every four years to the UN Committee in charge of CEDAW compliance. The Committee reports annually on its findings to the UN General Assembly. Thus CEDAW violations could be spotlighted in the General Assembly, which is a very embarrassing situation for the country concerned. Until now, individuals could not complain directly to CEDAW, but in the 1996 meetings, a procedure was being discussed for direct complaints by individuals or groups. …

Small expectations and great adjustments: How Hamilton workers most often experienced the great depression

Abstract: Workers have been said to respond to depriving economic crises by either rebelling collectively (an Optimistic Scenario) or individually, by becoming preoccupied with surviving, competing with other workers, and making various psychic adjustments to deprivation (a Pessimistic Scenario). After analyzing interviews about the Great Depression with 200 retired Hamilton workers, the author finds that a plurality of workers neither overtly rebelled nor completely conformed covertly, and that both scenarios sometimes applied to the same individual workers. Nevertheless, the Pessimistic Scenario accounts for the data far better than does the Optimistic one. The author also suggests contingencies which may increase the likelihood of one or the other

Methodology and methodolatry : Creativity and the impoverishment of the imagination in sociology

Abstract: De nos jours, lorsqu'on vous traite de « createur en fonction des donnees », il s'agit peut-etre d'une insulte. Cet article soutient d'abord que deux tendances conflictuelles coexistent au sein de la sociologie : d'une part, la reification des strategies traditionnelles de la recherche (laissant peu de place a la creativite), et d'autre part, la deification de certains sociologues qui font preuve de creativite, en signalant les dangers de la glorification de la methode (« medolatry »). Ce texte examine ensuite les obstacles d'ordre structurel et individuel qui tendent a limiter la creativite. Cette etude suggere enfin des strategies pour depasser certaines de ces limites, en misant sur la modification des objectifs de la recherche et du role des chercheurs

The Politics of the Canadian New Middle Class: Public/Private Sector Cleavage in the 1980s

Abstract: . This study uses data from the 1982 Class Structure Project and 1988 National Election Study to (1) identify the degree of public/private sector cleavage in the politics of the Canadian new middle class, and (2) test the support for five hypothesized sources of that cleavage. Compared to the private sector branch of the new middle class, the public sector branch was more egalitarian, slightly more supportive of pan-Canadian nationalism, more likely to support the New Democratic Party, and more active in politics. However, there was little difference between the sectors on class identification, support for cuts in military spending, and postmaterialist values. The cleavage on political activism was due to the higher levels of education in the public sector, while occupational-and sectoral-level factors interacted to produce the other sectoral differences in new middle class politics. The article concludes by considering the prospects for left politics in Canada in light of the diminishing size and autonomy of the public sector branch of the new middle class and the conservatism of the private sector branch. Resume. Cet article rend compte d'une etude qui visait a determiner (1) dans quelle mesure il existe un clivage dans les affinites politiques au sein de la nouvelle classe moyenne au Canada selon que les gens sont employes dans le secteur public ou le secteur prive, et (2) s'il existe des donnees a l'appui des cinq facteurs postules comme sources de ce clivage. L'etude s'appuyait sur le Class Structure Project de 1982 et sur la National Election Study de 1988. Compares aux membres de la nouvelle classe moyenne qui travaillaient dans le secteur prive, leurs vis-a-vis du secteur public etaient plus egalitaires, legerement plus favorables au nationalisme pan-canadien, plus portes a appuyer le Nouveau Parti Democratique et plus politiquement actifs. Par contre, les differences entre les secteurs etaient peu marquees en ce qui concerne l'identification de classe, l'appui a la reduction des depenses militaires et l'interet pour les valeurs postmaterialistes. Le clivage quant au militantisme politique etait attribuable aux niveaux d'instruction plus eleves qui caracterisent le secteur public, alors que les autres differences politiques entre les deux secteurs de la nouvelle classe moyenne etaient le resultat de l'interaction de facteurs de nature professionnelle et sectorielle. L'article se termine par un examen des perspectives de la gauche au Canada compte tenu de la diminution de la taille et de l'autonomie de la partie de la nouvelle classe moyenne qui travaille dans le secteur public et du conservatisme de celle qui travaille dans le secteur prive. Introduction There is a huge mass of employees located between capital and labour in advanced capitalist societies. In the early 1980s, managers and supervisors made up 25% of the Canadian labour force (Clement and Myles, 1994: 19), with employed professionals adding about another 10% to this mix (Livingstone, 1983: 62). As analyses of Canadian census data have shown, these middle groups of employees have been growing steadily in relative terms for over 50 years (Cuneo, 1983; Myles, 1988; Statistics Canada, 1988). The rise of managers, supervisors, and employed professionals first prompted sustained intellectual attention in Germany in the early decades of this century (Burris, 1986). Marx's hypothesis of growing class polarization is contradicted by this trend, at least in the short term. Thus throughout the twentieth century, Marxist scholars have laboured to fit the "new middle class" into models of class structure which remain centred on the capital-labour nexus (e.g., Carchedi, 1977; Poulantzas, 1973; Wright, 1978 and 1985). They have been joined in this effort by those Weberian scholars who treat the ownership of capital as one of the main sources of economic power (e.g., Giddens, 1981; Goldthorpe, 1982; Parkin, 1979). At the same time, a second literature has dealt with this issue in a much different fashion. …

Canada as a Social Experiment

Abstract: This poll [Maclean's/CBC 1995 year end poll] has forced me to conclude that there is no way we will be able to maintain those attributes of Canada that we hold most dear short of accepting that some form of sovereignty-association is inevitable.... Only something as radical in design or as fundamental in scope, I believe, will prevent us from sleepwalking into a future even less acceptable than the rather pathetic one Canadians are anticipating today. (Allan Gregg) Canadian society prides itself on being distinct from the United States, even though some of our claims in this respect have to be cut to size when our differences are examined on a broad comparative scale (see, for instance, Clement and Myles, 1994). Still, Canada has been a social experiment of sorts in North America, with its relatively extensive state intervention and social security net and its own constitutional arrangements--that is, with its own style of trying to accommodate the constituent parts of the federation. This social experiment came within 30,000 votes of being interrupted, or at least profoundly altered, on October 30, 1995, the day of Quebec's referendum on sovereignty/partnership. I will review here, first, what has happened, then what has not (yet) happened in the wake of that crisis, and finally what could happen in the future; under this last heading, I will examine the dark side of things, an uncompromising geo-political strategy that could very well lead to violence, and the brighter side of things, a renewed, admittedly somewhat utopian social experiment that could further the development and well being of Canada and Quebec. What has happened There is hardly any question about the numbers and their democratic meaning. 94% of people voted, including the supposedly politically disinterested younger generation. Fraud was almost negligible, thanks in large part to Quebec's tough electoral law (this was one of the first accomplishments of Rene Levesque's government in 1976) and a highly respected Director General of elections. A few hotheads did suggest that only francophones should be allowed to vote, but they were rapidly called to order by responsible political leaders. The very prevalent opinion was that a democratic verdict could only be reached if all citizens could express their opinion and vote freely; as a result, nobody even pretends to have felt threatened in the exercise of their rights. Finally, surveys accurately reflected opinion, and no manipulation has even been hinted at. 49.4% of the nearly five million voters answered yes. Where do these votes come from, and what do they mean for the future? The answer is that the trend is deep, and will probably lead to a clear win for the sovereigntists in the next referendum, which is likely to take place a few short years down the road. It must first be pointed out that the ratio of support was quite formidable among francophones (more than 6 to 4); they were just about the only ones to vote yes, but they moved very far away from their half-and-half split in the referendum of 1980. Second, electoral demography plays itself out in the direction of an increased support for sovereignty: ceteris paribus, a clear majority in favour of this option is just 3 or 4 years away, according to political scientist Richard Nadeau, and demographers Norbert Robitaille and Christine Noel (La Presse, November 25, 1995). They have established that, with respect to this question, cohort effects largely dominate age effects: as cohorts come of age, they are socialized into the ideas of the period, and they keep these ideas as they age; since older cohorts are opposed to sovereignty, and younger ones are more favorable, the passing of time means decreasing numbers of opponents and increasing numbers of supporters. Finally, one may ask whether the result reflects to a significant extent the personal popularity of Lucien Bouchard, a man whose charisma is bound to erode as he is forced to make tough decisions as prime minister of Quebec. …

Fashionable despair: Observations on the demise of standards

Abstract: . Claims of cross-institutional declines in standards cannot be gainsaid. "Fashionable Despair" about such declines may have foundations in important challenges to public institutions other than those based on the alleged disarticulation between values and criteria. The claims of declining standards may be better examined in the context of interest conflicts. And interest conflicts may be at the level of basic values, not merely the criteria designed to represent them. This discussion raises questions about the claim of falling standards and identifies some existing resources for thinking about it. Introduction Professor Benjamin Singer's apocalyptic analysis of the demise of standards in the professions, in the leading institutions, and in public life paints a worrisome picture of a society whose values have been co-opted by forces of expediency, leaving the culture deeply rudderless and ultimately on the brink of barbarism. Incompetence marks the ranks of physicians, scientists, educators, and accountants. Quality control has declined in both the animate and the inanimate, i.e., both in politicians and in Ford motor cars. A pervasive fin de siecle malaise replaces an earlier age of authenticity in times past when "our experience with the essential things of our lives was most often individual and empirical" as opposed to collective and external. Why is this so? Standards have become disarticulated from their underlying values and the media of assessment and representation have come to occupy the place where standards were once closely guarded. Professor Singer further argues that biased assessment criteria for identifying quality and performance actually replace the meaningful standards with trivial measurements of convenience, and professional behaviour changes accordingly. Indeed, bad faith would appear to replace professional duty. Professors write banal papers with a high probability of acceptance by "refereed" journals because numbers of publications outweigh their quality. Lawyers take only the cases they can win, and surgeons decline hazardous operations. Not only this, but professionals are encouraged to falsify their credentials to take advantage of the frailties of the criterial systems, and so advance their careers, not through what Goffman called "benign misrepresentation," but through outright deceit: "scientific researchers publish fraudulent findings to make it through criterial systems for tenure and promotion." And what is the solution? The solution is the development of "a new sociological paradigm" of the standards complex, a new "general social science of standards." Professor Singer acknowledges that such an enterprise would not turn its back on the more common sociological territory -- marketplace dynamics, bureaucracies and professions -- though these are described as "the other major forces that drive standards" [emphasis added], as though criteria were an autonomous force of greater gravity than the familiar sociological variables. What can be said of the diagnosis and of the solution? In my view, Benjamin Singer's paper mirrors, and indeed amplifies, the crisis literature about which he writes. He exhibits a healthy doubt about the virtues of technological rationality, and like other humanists, seeks a reintegration of reason and values. In this I subscribe to his enthusiastic views. However, in some respects, his arguments are prone to undercurrents of scholasticism and Platonism. In general, the paper reflects the fashionable despair of postmodern times. It sometimes conflates doubt and critique with caricature. Like many readers, I am skeptical of the accuracy of his diagnosis of the age of criteria, and doubtful about the utility of his solution. Are Standards Falling? Social scientists are not unaccustomed to proclamations of immanent crisis. Popular support for social change and law reform has often been initiated by dire warnings of impending doom if steps are not taken to eliminate such intrusions into the culture as narcotics, alcohol, white slavery, dangerous foreigners, sports hooligans, and, in the age of Manning's Reform Party, secular humanism. …

A Sociology of Standards? Commentary on Benjamin Singer's Proposal

Abstract: There are two basic components to Singer's analysis of standards. The first is a concern with the disjunction in North American professional and organizational life between "the values and standards of a social structure and the criteria systems ostensibly generated to guard them" (p. 206). Singer argues that criteria systems, which are widespread in our major institutions, have generated dynamics of their own which undermine the values which should prevail in "a well-ordered world" (p. 207). The second dimension to the analysis centers on the growing uncertainty about, or decline in, standards over the past several decades. While the first issue is well established in critical perspectives on North American culture, the second is less well substantiated, and the source of much controversy in contemporary social science debates. This comment will treat the two elements of Singer's analysis separately. The first section will consider the ways in which Singer's proposal might be advanced, while the second will raise questions about the apparent decline in societal standards. A final section will try to place the proposal in a larger sociological context. Professional and Institutional Pathologies Singer connects the notions of values, standards, and criteria hierarchically, with values being "statements of general goals, objectives, and purpose," standards "substantively focused evaluative statements about a thing, process or outcome, `located' between values and criteria," and criteria "the dynamic aspect of standards, i.e., standards are held, criteria are applied" (pp. 207). Given that we live in an "Age of Criteria," Singer devotes the majority of his attention to major types of criteria (outcomes, credentials, process/interaction), the production of criteria (experts, norms, external criteria), and the biases which are widely associated with the centrality of criteria in professional and institutional life (availability, classifiability, measurability, vividness, activity). Choosing examples from a variety of settings, Singer focuses on the dysfunctional consequences which result from the dominance of criterial systems in North American life. Using information from the world of university education, Singer argues that teacher ratings systems and publication ratings schemes (quantity, journal status, and citations) distort and undermine the more "significant values" which should inspire educational activity. Similar pathologies afflict other professional and institutional domains, to the point that "criterial systems exert control over standards, rather than standards driving criteria" (p. 215). This is familiar stuff. First, the tendency of professions and bureaucracies to employ rules which generate unintended, negative consequences for themselves is widely recognized. However, the usual response, one which has some persuasiveness, defends these consequences as inevitable costs for implementing and defending these rules. Whether one is dealing with the corrosive competitiveness of law, or the calculating impersonality of our larger bureaucracies, one can usually identify a core value whose centrality can only be maintained with other, negative outcomes. The essential connection here involves dilemmas and tradeoffs, with a Mertonian balance sheet the arbiter of the standards applied. Second, conservative and radical commentators on North American culture have converged in their critical evaluations of the ways in which mainstream pragmatism and empiricism displace standards with criteria, and criteria with measurement. It is no accident that Singer can comfortably cite Marcuse and Ortega y Gasset on the same theme: liberalism has successfully withstood challenges to its instrumentalism because it has contributed to the construction of durable institutions whose biases have minimized damage to the fundamental structure of capitalist democracy in North America. These two points can be made more specific by returning to the educational arena which Singer utilizes. …

In Defense of Standards as a Sociological Concern

Abstract: I expected objections to the suggestions contained in my paper, "Toward a Sociology of Standards: Problems of a Criterial Society" (Singer 1996), and indeed there were. The complaints are of a methodological nature; arguments that what is good in it is old hat anyway; that sociological inquiry into previously arcane issues (in this case, standards) is untenable because of its demanding nature or perhaps because it is conservative in nature. To this is added that it is old-hat functionalism or mid-range sociology a la Merton. Fair enough. As the maxim goes, "If you can't stand the heat, stay out of the kitchen." However, neither of the critiques -- either by Professor Richard Apostle, "A Sociology of Standards? Commentary on Benjamin Singer's Proposal" (Apostle 1996) or by Professor Augustine Branningan, "Fashionable Despair: Observations on the Demise of Standards" (Branningan 1996) confronts head on the major issues raised in the paper: the need for clarification of the frequently used concept, more active research and analysis of standards, and my suggestion that because of its subject matter the natural home for the study of standards may well be -- and should perhaps be -- sociology. My paper was an attempt to encourage the recognition of this and to stimulate activity in an area substantially neglected by sociologists, but not by writers in other disciplines (e.g., Alan Bloom, Diane Ravitch, Albert Shanker). Both Apostle and Brannigan assert that a Sociology of Standards does not cope adequately with the problem of value conflict and that there is really no evidence of a crisis in standards that would justify the kind of attention I have suggested. Concerning the first issue, Professor Apostle has difficulty "imagining a sociology of standards" because of "structured contraditions among core values." Professor Brannigan says, employing the example of university systems, that values are not fixed, but change with circumstances. Thus, attempts to assess the gap between values and standards are doomed to failure. But I have not argued -- nor is it required for a sociology of standards -- that there is a fixed hierarchy or static universe of values. However, I would assert that core values of institutions can be identified and any gaps between them and the operational standards in place is possible. Doubtless the argument, if there is to be one, is with social scientists who have empirically identified different value systems, patterns and hierarchies. Rather than a dispute over core values or of the relationship between a given value and a standard that represents it, Apostle seems to really be concerned with the means to achieve the objectives of such values as well as with the process or difficulty of making choices between values. Actually, his argument is with Milton Rokeach and other value systems theories who have adequately dealt with such problems (Rokeach 1973). The second issue both Apostle and Brannigan focused upon was what they claim I asserted in my paper -- that we are in a time of decline. Apostle says I "allude to ... a probable decline in in the overall level of standards" and that I use "the widespread debate [about standards] as evidence for `what has appeared to be a widespread decline in standards."' Brannigan is less cautious in his description: "Professor Benjamin Singer's apocalyptic analysis of the demise of standards in the professions, in the leading institutions and in public life paints a worrisome picture of a society ... ultimately on the brink of barbarism." (1) The fact, as is clear from the text, is that I discuss the debate and confusion concerning standards that has ranged over professions, governmental agencies, mass media, and other institutions to demonstrate the need for greater clarity and analysis and sociological input. This, precisely, is the objective of the paper. A more careful reading of it will show that while I have cited declinists such as Tuchman and Ortega y Gasset, I was quite clearly indicating the prevalence of concern, uncertainty, and confusion over standards, not necessarily agreement with those who do assert a decline in recent times. …