Showing papers in "China Report in 2013"
TL;DR: In this article, the authors view Iran as an important country sharing many interests and views with China, and with whom China may benefit via cooperation in a wide number of areas, including Iran's nuclear non-proliferation, and thus the Iran nuclear issue.
Abstract: China views Iran as an important country sharing many interests and views with China, and with whom China may benefit via cooperation in a wide number of areas. China views Iran as an especially reliable oil supplier in the event of a crisis in Sino-American relations, and as a capable and ambitious country defending itself against American aggressiveness. Yet Beijing also views maintaining comity in relations with the United States as vital to the success of China’s long-term development drive. Beijing eschews open challenge to the US over Iran as potentially undermining Sino-US comity precisely because the US drive against Iran is so strategically important to what China views as a US drive to secure control of Persian Gulf oil. Beijing also views cooperation with Washington in the area of nuclear non-proliferation, and thus the Iran nuclear issue, as a factor stabilising Sino-US relations. China’s ties with Iran thus vacillate between cooperation with Iran that often flies in the face of US efforts to ...
24 citations
TL;DR: The authors provides a summary of China's expanding energy relations with seven major energy producing states of the Middle East, namely Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, UAE and Qatar, and assesses the political implications of China’s burgeoning relationship with the region.
Abstract: >> China is the largest consumer of energy, the leading exporter of manufactured goods and possesses the second largest economy in the world. The great dragon’s current economic activity extends to all corners of the world, including the hydrocarbon-rich Middle East. Since becoming a net importer of oil in 1993, China’s engagement of the Middle East has focused heavily on energy acquisition as the country urgently needs reliable sources of oil and natural gas to continue its unprecedented economic rise. For now, Middle Eastern countries seem amenable to the nesting dragon, whose increasing energy consumption, rapidly expanding economy, lack of colonial history and a policy of ‘offend no one’, its vast cash reserves and a willingness to pay premium prices for energy sources render it a highly appealing partner, capable of balancing the hegemonic policies and unipolar presence of the US. This article provides a summary of China’s expanding energy relations with seven major energy producing states of the Middle East, namely Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, UAE and Qatar, and assesses the political implications of China’s burgeoning relationship with the region.
16 citations
TL;DR: In the Middle East, China's non-interference policy originates in pre-modern Chinese history when the Empire had been isolated from the rest of the world, as well as in the Mao era when the Chinese did not have the capabilities to interfere as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: China’s ‘non-interference’ policy is not a new phenomenon. It originates in pre-modern Chinese history when the Empire had been isolated from the rest of the world, as well as in the Mao era when the Chinese–even if they had the will to interfere–did not have the capabilities. Post-Mao and post-Cold War, China has the capabilities but not yet the will to become more involved. Still, economic prosperity and growing political prominence have forced Beijing to compromise. Fundamentally, China’s first option remains ‘non-interference’ and settling of conflicts by the parties concerned. Yet if this fails, then the Chinese prefer an intervention by a regional or professional organisation. If this attempt too, fails, then, reluctantly, Beijing turns to the United Nations Security Council as an option. The worst option is external and independent intervention. All these options are evident in China’s Middle East policy.
14 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, India's involvement in the Korean crisis from 1950-1952 is described as a "diplomatic entrepreneurism" that enabled India to become the interlocutor, mediator and adjudicator.
Abstract: The article documents India’s involvement in the Korean crisis from 1950–1952. It argues that India’s ‘diplomatic entrepreneurism’ allowed it to become the interlocutor, mediator and adjudicator, a...
11 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors introduce the problem of child trafficking in China based on available data and propose a method to solve the problem based on the available data of the trafficked children.
Abstract: Child trafficking is a serious problem in China. However, there has not been much research in this area. This article introduces the problem of child trafficking in China based on available data. F...
11 citations
TL;DR: As the United States perceives the westward expansion of China's influence as threatening both regional and worldwide balances of power, it has responded with an understandable but ill-conceived counter-action, the "Obama pivot" from the Middle East to the Western Pacific.
Abstract: As the United States perceives the westward expansion of China’s influence as threatening both regional and worldwide balances of power, it has responded with an understandable but ill-conceived counter-action—the ‘Obama pivot’ from the Middle East to the Western Pacific. The new American thinking aims to divide the intercontinental and transoceanic regions that China and other nations want to integrate, while encouraging an ‘encircle China’ coalition among smaller maritime powers from India and Singapore to Australia and Vietnam and on to the Philippines, Japan and South Korea. The blind spot in the American plan is that all of these countries need China more than they need the United States. None of them wants a military alliance with Washington that will antagonise Beijing because their economic futures pull them inexorably towards greater integration with the mainland’s vast and growing markets. Obama’s eastward focus attempts to stem the powerful current of Islamic countries that have strengthened ti...
9 citations
TL;DR: The weakening of American economic power and hence political influence, emergence of China as the second largest economy in the world and China's growing strategic relations with the Middle East is likely to result in Israel re-examining its no-arms policy towards China as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Since the normalisation of relations in January 1992, Israel has been unable to pursue its military relations with China as before. This was primarily due to American pressures and its perception of China as its new strategic threat. Given its limited political options, arms sales and other forms of security assistance function as Israel’s principal instrument of promoting its foreign policy interests. The weakening of American economic power and hence political influence, emergence of China as the second-largest economy in the world and China’s growing strategic relations with the Middle East is likely to result in Israel re-examining its no-arms policy towards China.
9 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the role of SEZs in China's integration with the world economy and investigate the underlying challenges faced by the economy, and argue that the experience of ChineseSEZs provides a number of policy directions for other economies, which may be followed with discrimination.
Abstract: By exploring the role of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in China’s integration with the world economy, we also investigate the underlying challenges faced by the economy. This analysis suggests that SEZs enabled the Chinese economy to trigger its growth standards and to achieve its ambition of integrating with the world economy without compromising its political ideology. This transformation, however, has been accompanied by a few challenges of late that have been posing obstacles to the broader process of development. We argue that the experience of Chinese SEZs provides a number of policy directions for other economies, which may be followed with discrimination.
8 citations
TL;DR: The China Model literature in English was until recently quite peripheral and rather ahistoric in nature as discussed by the authors, mainly penned by economists and other social scientist who aimed at generalising how China's reforms worked since 1978.
Abstract: The ‘China Model’ literature in English was until recently quite peripheral and rather ahistoric in nature. It was mainly penned by economists and other social scientist who aimed at generalising how China’s reforms worked since 1978. Historians, to the extent they tried at all to find linkages between Deng Xiaoping’s reforms and China’s pre-1978 heritage, were rather minimalistic in their approach. And since many economists reduced China’s achievements to the inflow of foreign investment in pursuit of cheap labour and tax breaks, many historians also tended to view the Special Economic Zones set up by Deng as merely reincarnations of a well-tried formula whereby Westerners were allowed to set up autonomous and bustling treaty ports along the China coast in the later part of the 19th century. In short, it was often suggested that the reforms the PRC had embarked on in 1979 were not so boldly original or ingenious as might be otherwise assumed. Yet, because PRC social scientists in their advisory capacity ...
7 citations
TL;DR: There were great differences between Indian and Chinese positions on the UN peacekeeping operations during the Cold War as mentioned in this paper, and India played a pioneering role both in the conceptualisation and consolidation of the UN operation.
Abstract: There were great differences between Indian and Chinese positions on the UN peacekeeping operations during the Cold War. India played a pioneering role both in the conceptualisation and consolidati...
7 citations
TL;DR: The authors examines how and how well, China responded to the Arab Awakening at home and in the conduct of its diplomacy, and concludes that the popular unrest that has swept the Arab World since January 2011,occurring as China entered a period of leadership succession and delicate economic adjustment presented Beijing with both domestic political and diplomatic challenges.
Abstract: The popular unrest that has swept the Arab World since January 2011—occurring as China entered a period of leadership succession and delicate economic adjustment—presented Beijing with both domestic political and diplomatic challenges. This article examines how, and how well, China responded to the Arab Awakening at home and in the conduct of its diplomacy.
TL;DR: The accelerated growth of Sino-Turkish relations indicates their increasing convergence on foreign, economic and security policies, despite several constraints as discussed by the authors, including the deterioration of Turco-American relationship and frustrated Turkish ambitions of EU membership, coupled with a desire to diversify its arms acquisitions and balance its foreign policy, have led to readjustments in its foreign and security policy.
Abstract: The accelerated growth of Sino-Turkish relations indicates their increasing convergence on foreign, economic and security policies, despite several constraints. The deterioration of Turco-American relationship and frustrated Turkish ambitions of EU membership, coupled with a desire to diversify its arms acquisitions and balance its foreign policy, have led to the readjustments in its foreign and security policy. This realignment has resulted in closer Sino-Turkish partnership and emergence of the strategic cooperation. In China, a growing realisation has emerged in favour of Turkey’s geo-strategic and geopolitical importance and its potential as a market for Chinese defence exports. Turkey as a client may impart much sought after international credibility to Chinese weapon manufacturers and a base in Turkey would enhance Chinese access to regional markets. Hence, China has increasingly courted Turkey and Chinese companies have increased their operations inside Turkey. In addition, there are significant co...
TL;DR: Even as Xi Jinping begins to make his personal imprint on Cross-Strait relations, he has to contend with his predecessor, Hu Jintao's policy towards Taiwan that generated a modus vivendi, acting as acting as...
Abstract: Even as Xi Jinping begins to make his personal imprint on Cross-Strait relations, he has to contend with his predecessor, Hu Jintao’s policy towards Taiwan that generated a modus vivendi, acting as...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse how Taiwan keeps up its traditional ties with the United States and attempts to deal with the issues raised by the uncertainties in the relationship, which is extremely difficult for a small power like Taiwan to manage the relations with two great powers especially when they are in competition.
Abstract: Taiwan’s engagement with China has complicated its relations with the United States, even though Washington supports Taipei’s engagement policy. Various American domestic actors are suspicious of Taiwan’s new relations with China and raise their concerns. Some question Taiwan’s loyalty and consistency, and some call for change of American policy toward Taiwan including arms sales. They are also displeased with Taiwan’s actions on the Diaoyutai Islands disputes. Indeed, it is extremely difficult for a small power like Taiwan to manage the relations with two great powers, especially when they are in competition. The purpose of the article is to analyse how Taiwan keeps up its traditional ties with the United States and attempts to deal with the issues raised by the uncertainties in the relationship.
TL;DR: This paper focused on China's policy towards the peace process in the Middle East after the end of the Cold War and the American influence on Chinese policy and pointed out that China has always charted its policy on the Arab-Israeli peace process to be "balanced diplomacy", maintaining friendly relations with Arab countries, while not neglecting its relationship with Israel.
Abstract: This article focuses on China’s policy towards the peace process in the Middle East after the end of the Cold War and the American influence on Chinese policy. China has always charted its policy on the Arab-Israeli peace process to be ‘balanced diplomacy’, maintaining friendly relations with Arab countries, while not neglecting its relationship with Israel. Furthermore, China’s policy regarding the Israeli-Arab peace process contains contradictory elements in its dual relations with the ‘peace camp’ and the ‘radical camp’ in the Middle East. Chinese diplomacy finds itself in a complex dilemma, balancing the perils and prospects of its economic and strategic goals in the Middle East and the international arena. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China states that it shares the great burden of ensuring that the Middle Eastern peace process is managed correctly. However, its declaration is merely diplomatic rhetoric; Beijing does not actively endeavour to advance the peace process but is main...
TL;DR: In the past decade, China's relationship with Iran has been half-hearted as mentioned in this paper, and the withdrawal of Chinese companies from technology transfers to Iran and the improvement of China's export controls have led to frustration on the Iranian side and set bounds to bilateral relations for the long term.
Abstract: Over the past decade, China’s relationship with Iran has been half-hearted. What has publicly been regarded as a close bilateral entente is in fact based on Tehran’s lack of better options and China’s clear ambition that a non-nuclear Iran should not be economically destabilised. The withdrawal of Chinese companies from technology transfers to Iran and the improvement of China’s export controls have led to frustration on the Iranian side and set bounds to bilateral relations for the long term. Today, China tries to convey its disagreement with Iran’s nuclear weapons program. At the same time, China has tried to separate the nuclear issue from civilian perspectives and opposed sanctions that might lastingly cripple Iran’s economy. The reasons can be found in China’s strategic regional considerations and interests in stability both inside and outside Iran. Thus, China has become a diplomatic broker whose credentials only suffer by the shortcomings of its own export control regime.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors assess the progress of the software services industry in China and examine how this relates to the PRC's software strategy, and conclude that the Chinese state needs to make several substantive changes to its software strategy if it is to achieve its objectives.
Abstract: Since the turn of the century the Chinese state has endeavoured to establish an internationally competitive, export-oriented software services industry centred on large domestic firms. However, despite concerted targeting and significant state investment, the industry’s size and capabilities have fallen further behind those in peer competitor countries, particularly India. The article assesses the progress of the industry in China and examines how this relates to the PRC’s software strategy. It does so by adopting a comparative analysis approach, evaluating the PRC’s policy agenda and the axioms underpinning it in light of emerging research on the processes and mechanisms behind the more successful development of the software services industry in India. The article concludes by arguing that the PRC needs to make several substantive changes to its software strategy if it is to achieve its objectives.
TL;DR: The authors examines the debates between the ruling KMT and opposition DPP about proper strategies towards China, and how such debates make it unlikely for Taiwan to form an effective policy on cross-strait affairs.
Abstract: Since 2008, President Ma Ying-jeou and his Kuomintang (KMT) government in Taiwan have adopted the policy of seeking greater economic cooperation with China in exchange of reducing confrontation across the Taiwan Strait. By endorsing the ‘One China’ principle, the KMT government successfully resumed dialogue with Beijing and signed 18 agreements, ranging from allowing Chinese tourists to visit Taiwan to establishing a closer economic partnership. Yet President Ma’s self-claimed achievements in cross-strait peace received severe criticisms from the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which accused KMT’s pro-China policy as selling out the democratic Taiwan to an authoritarian regime. This article examines the on-going debates between the ruling KMT and opposition DPP about proper strategies towards China, and how such debates make it unlikely for Taiwan to form an effective policy on cross-strait affairs. The differences between KMT and DPP on their respective China policies have led to prolonged...
TL;DR: In this paper, the thought of Laozi is of paramount importance in Chinese traditional culture and it is significant for us to discover some meaningful factors in Laozian's ideological systems in order to expand and st...
Abstract: The thought of Laozi is of paramount importance in Chinese traditional culture. It is significant for us to discover some meaningful factors in Laozi’s ideological systems in order to expand and st...
TL;DR: Wang et al. as mentioned in this paper addressed Taiwan's legitimate claim for the part of the South China Sea, which has been unknown and neglected by the international community, and examined the reasons why Taiwan had taken inactive policy toward the south China Sea.
Abstract: Maritime territorial disputes have become a hot issue in regional security and a pressing issue for Taiwan’s national security. While Taiwan is persistently claiming sovereign right over the large part of the South China Sea based on the U-shaped line, its role is however weakened as a result of the cross-strait hostility and its prolonged hands-off policy. Of course, its ambiguous international status, difficult relation with mainland China and domestic political confusion on nation’s future have more to do with its inactive role in the South China Sea disputes. This insecurity contributes to its ambivalent policy. This articleintends to address Taiwan’s legitimate claim for the part of the South China Sea, which has been unknown and neglected by the international community, and examine the reasons why Taiwan had taken inactive policy toward the South China Sea. Alerted by recent aggressive moves of other claimants, Taiwan is now shifting to a reasonable tougher strategy in the South China Sea. The artic...
TL;DR: A.S. Bhalla and Dan Luo as discussed by the authors have shown that the major victims of social exclusion due to economic development are the most impoverished and vulnerable sections of the society, namely, the groups identified with ethnicity, religion, caste and gender.
Abstract: In recent years, the impressive success of economic development has been a familiar theme of comparative studies of China and India. The book under review by A.S. Bhalla and Dan Luo has, in contrast, thrown light on some of the gloomiest aspects of the two societies—the poverty and exclusion of minorities in the two countries—subjects generally considered as drab and uninteresting by economists who prefer focusing on just the spectacular growth story of China and India. The focus of this work is nevertheless, very relevant in the present context because themes like ‘Splendid China’ and ‘Shining India’ often make us oblivious about the actual problems of the two societies. Purely economic development devoid of proper distributive mechanism generally contributes to social exclusions and both China and India have been suffering from some of the same maladies. Many studies have revealed that the major victims of social exclusion due to economic development are the most impoverished and vulnerable sections of the society—namely, the groups identified with ethnicity, religion, caste and gender. Bhalla’s and Dan’s book has made a good attempt at illustrating and analysing discrimination and exclusion of social and religious minorities in China and India. The book is exceptional for several reasons. There have been very few comparative studies done on poverty and inequality in China and India and comparative studies on Chinese and Indian minorities are even fewer. A.S. Bhalla’s earlier book with another Chinese scholar Qiu Shufang titled Poverty and Inequality among Chinese Minorities (2006) made some observations regarding minority literacy rates for China’s provinces (Gansu, Qinghai and Tibet) and about those of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in poor Indian states. Poverty and Exclusion of Minorities in China and India is the first complete study on minority issues in the two countries from a comparative perspective. The authors have done a commendable job by undertaking research in the two less explored areas—minority economy in China and India and the comparative study of Chinese and Indian minorities with special reference to the poverty situation in Xinjiang and Tibetan areas of China and the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir.
TL;DR: The fourth All-India Conference of China Studies (2011) as discussed by the authors was held at the University of Hyderabad, an institution for which, over several years of association in various capacities, I have developed a strong affection.
Abstract: I feel deeply honoured to have been invited to deliver the Keynote Address at this Fourth All-India Conference of China Studies (2011), held this time at the University of Hyderabad, an institution for which, over several years of association in various capacities, I have developed a strong affection. I also feel humble in this present company of accredited China scholars. Although my first two academic degrees were in Chinese Studies—in fact, old-style language/literary studies that went by the now unfashionable and politically incorrect title of ‘Oriental Studies’—I have spent most of my professional life as a sociologist/socio-cultural anthropologist. I should say that the focus of Indian sociology, as with other social science disciplines in the Indian context, has been almost exclusively on India, the unwritten (and in my opinion misguided) assumption being that such inward-focused research is transparently of greater social relevance—to the ‘masses’ or to ‘policy-makers’, as the case may be. There is an old English idiom, deployed of course in a completely different context, that says: ‘Nothing so dead as an old flame’. My own continuing involvement with China Studies through all these years, albeit on the professional periphery, speaks to the contrary. But my attachment is not merely sentimental, fanning the dying embers of an erstwhile passion. I truly believe that a comparative perspective, born of familiarity with another society (besides Europe/the US which is invariably our default ‘Other’) may constructively renovate our sociological understanding of ‘Indian’ society. At the same time, I also fully believe that China Studies must engage fully and self-consciously