Showing papers in "Global Change, Peace & Security in 2007"
TL;DR: In the post 9/11 context and after five years from the designation of the UN Year of Dialogue among Civilizations, this political discourse has been increasingly the object of a double movement of scepticism and hope as mentioned in this paper, and very little attention has been devoted by International Relations and Political theorists to clarify and articulate its possible meaning as a normative framework for the future of international relations.
Abstract: The global political discourse of ‘dialogue among civilizations’ emerged in the '90s in the context of the political debate on world order and against the background of the two competing and powerful discourses of the ‘clash of civilizations’ and the ‘end of history’ In the post 9/11 context and after five years from the designation of the UN Year of the Dialogue among Civilizations, this political discourse has been increasingly the object of a double movement of scepticism and hope Unfortunately very little attention has been devoted by International Relations and Political theorists to clarify and articulate its possible meaning as a normative framework for the future of international relations Within this normative horizon, this paper shows how two statesmen-intellectuals, Mohammed Khatami, the reformist Muslim cleric then president of Iran, and Vaclav Havel, the ‘post-modern’ dissident playwright then president of the Czech Republic, have been two of the most interesting proponents of this global political discourse Their visions, I would contend, allow us to trace more clearly the contours of dialogue among civilisations as a global political discourse as well as to begin a more in-depth theoretical articulation of dialogue of civilisation as international political theory, an academic enterprise that has been largely ignored
27 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors report that more than 40 million people are currently infected globally; of these, 25 million live in Africa south of the Sahara, making this continent the most infected and worst affected region in the world (UNAIDS, 2006c).
Abstract: On 5 June 1981 the Centre for Disease Control (CDC) in the United States (US) published its Weekly Morbidity and Mortality Report, chronicling for the first time the symptoms amongst a few urban gay men of what was set to become the most deadly plague known to humanity. That was over 25 years ago, and the AIDS pandemic has since then killed around 30 million individuals worldwide. More than 40 million people are currently infected globally; of these, 25 million live in Africa south of the Sahara, making this continent the most infected and worst affected region in the world (UNAIDS, 2006c). According to the global report published by the Joint United Nations Programme on AIDS (UNAIDS) in mid-2006, some data for the proximate Southern African region can be summarized as shown in Table 5.1 (UNAIDS, 2006c, pp. 505–40).
21 citations
TL;DR: The authors examines the prospects for democracy in the Palestinian Authority territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip and to what extent political factions are subverting institutions and frameworks for democratic rule in order to create outcomes where they extend a monopoly of power.
Abstract: Since the electoral win of the Palestinian Islamic group Hamas's ‘Change and Reform’ candidates in legislative elections in January 2006 and the subsequent formation of a Hamas government in April 2006 the dynamics of democratic politics on the West Bank and Gaza Strip have been severely undermined and challenged. By June 2007 Hamas had complete control of the Gaza Strip and President Abbas had formed a separate ‘emergency government’ located on the West Bank. This paper examines the prospects for democracy in the Palestinian Authority territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip and to what extent political factions are subverting institutions and frameworks for democratic rule in order to create outcomes where they extend a monopoly of power. The paper questions the extent to which the lexicon of Hamas's ‘Islamism’ has manifested itself as Islamic governance since the organization obtained power through the ballot box in 2006. The paper ends with a discussion of some of the challenges facing Hamas and Fa...
19 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors view the lead up to the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq through Securitization's lens by juxtaposing the Bush administration's public pronouncements and private statements with broader evidence related to its security claims at the time.
Abstract: In September 2002 Iraq became a grave danger. As such, there was an urgent need to topple Saddam Hussein's regime, according to the Bush administration. On closer examination, however, there was little underpinning this sudden shift in the Bush administration's security claims. How then could an eventual war come about from a lack of objective threats? The Copenhagen School's notion of 'securitization' seems ideally suited to help explain this situation, since it posits that security is about the perception of threat which flows from claims that something poses a grave danger, rather than the discovery of so-called objective threats. The purpose of this article therefore is to test the explanatory value of this conceptual framework. The approach taken is to view the lead up to the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq through securitization's lens by juxtaposing the Bush administration's public pronouncements and private statements with broader evidence related to its security claims at the time. An additional, and necessary, part of the analysis is to explore the political uses of claiming that something is a 'security' issue. While suggesting how a heightened appreciation of audience socialization can help explain why identical security claims resonate with some groups but not others, the investigation reveals that securitization is indeed a useful tool to understand what occurred.
12 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the presupposed ideas upon which the hijab is probibited in both France and Turkey are examined and shown to provide an insufficient justification for the prohibition, which serve to marginalize Muslim Women in the broader women's rights movement in international human rights law.
Abstract: In this paper, the presupposed ideas upon which the hijab is probibited in both France and Turkey – concerning the nature and purpose of veiling (these notions informed and influenced by a long history of Orientalism) – are examined and shown to provide an insufficient justification for the prohibition. Such notions serve to marginalize Muslim Women in the broader women's rights movement in international human rights law, thereby engendering and maintaining the ‘otherness’ of the Muslim woman as the ‘Exotic Female Other’. Having considered how the rhetoric surrounding Muslim women, the veil and the prohibition are easily challenged and therefore significantly undermine the ban's validity, the international law implications of the hijab ban are addressed – namely, the particular human rights that are violated are outlined in addition to a survey of the current effectiveness of international human rights discourse and institutions. Recommendations as to what should be done are also offered. 1 A veil or head...
11 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors provide an overview of the causes and consequences of long-term displacement and recent efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other humanitarian and development agencies to provide relief, protection, and durable solutions for over a million displaced people in Asia.
Abstract: While the international community focuses on major humanitarian and refugee emergencies, 60–70 per cent of the world's refugees displaced by conflict and human rights violations have been languishing in a state of neglect and insecurity in camps and urban slums—some for over twenty years. Protracted situations exist in the Caucasus, the Middle East, Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East and West Africa. This article will focus on protracted displacement in Asia. It begins by providing an overview of the scale of displacement in the region. It then examines some of the causes and consequences of long-term displacement and recent efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other humanitarian and development agencies to provide relief, protection, and durable solutions for over a million displaced people in Asia.
11 citations
TL;DR: The image being generated and marketed is one of a war between the civilized defenders of everything that Civilization represents and the savage terrorists who oppose it and want to tear it down as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The casting of the war on terrorism as a war fought on behalf of or for Civilization against some less-than-civilized Other—terrorists and their cohorts—is a significant point. The image being generated and marketed is one of a war between the civilized defenders of everything that Civilization represents and the savage terrorists who oppose it and want to tear it down. Right or wrong, this image is not exactly new, and thus the ‘war on terror' is not exactly a ‘war like no other' as is often claimed by its prosecutors. Rather, history and precedents, particularly in regard to confrontations between so-called ‘civilized' and ‘savage' peoples, have a lot to tell us about the present and the conducting of the war on terror. 1 I am most grateful to Gerda Roelvink and two anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful comments on this essay.
9 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyse the criminal justice response to trafficking persons in the Asia-Pacific region since the enactment of the Protocol and argue that there are numerous practical problems with the enforcement of new trafficking provisions.
Abstract: Attempts to address the problem of trafficking in persons on an international, regional and national basis are relatively recent. The ‘Bali Process’ refers to an ongoing programme of practical cooperation between over 40 Asian and Pacific countries which arose out of the Regional Ministerial Conferences on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons and Related Transnational Crime held in Bali in February 2002 and April 2003. The Conferences, together with the United Nations' Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, provided the impetus for the enactment of national legislation to criminalize trafficking in persons. This article analyses the criminal justice response to trafficking persons in the Asia–Pacific region since the enactment of the Protocol and argues that there are numerous practical problems with the enforcement of new trafficking provisions. Drawing on case studies in Australia and New Zealand, it is argued that other offences may be more e...
8 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the potential for seasonal migration from Melanesia, as contrasted with permanent emigration from Polynesia, to make a contribution both to island economies and to regional security.
Abstract: The Pacific Region has justifiably become increasingly concerned about insecurity in the Pacific island countries. In the longer term, the solution to this insecurity lies not in the military intervention of Regional Assistance Missions, or the external imposition of good governance programmes, but in economic development that specifically gives young people a stake in their country rather than a motivation for unrest or permanent emigration. The paper discusses the potential for seasonal migration from Melanesia, as contrasted with permanent emigration from Polynesia, to make a contribution both to island economies and to regional security. Kiribati's and Tuvalu's experiences with the temporary migration of seafarers are examined for possible lessons. The recently implemented New Zealand seasonal migration programme for the Pacific is set out as a possible model for further development.
7 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a theoretical framework for a reformulation of the classical Islamic siyar with the doctrine of jihad at its core represents an authoritative ‘Islamic response to conflict and relations with non-Muslims.
Abstract: The Israeli–Palestinian conflict remains unresolved largely due to a failure to redress its asymmetry and the fact that the ‘peace process’ is not based on international law, specifically the resolutions of the United Nations. The mounting religious dimension is also perpetuating the conflict's intractability. The classical Islamic siyar 1 with the doctrine of jihad at its core represents an authoritative ‘Islamic’ response to conflict and relations with non-Muslims. However, the militant response of some Palestinians to the Israeli occupation has been detrimental to their struggle for a restoration of rights, including self-determination. This article presents a theoretical framework for a reformulation of the classical doctrine of jihad. This reformulation must possess Islamic legitimacy, consistency with modern international norms, and the capacity to contribute to a just resolution of the conflict. The reformulation process needs to overcome the method of naskh (abrogation)2 and replace it with an app...
6 citations
TL;DR: In this article, an ideal type, a benchmark as it were, for militaries and their deployment by governments avowedly in pursuit of liberal agendas, is proposed for military force and its operationalization.
Abstract: The US administration recently asserted that it was supporting liberal values through the deployment of military force to ‘liberate’ Iraq. This paper explores one aspect of the topical theme of liberalism and the use of force through a philosophical exercise concerning the means used to attain such ends. Drawing on the liberal political tradition, this paper puts forward an ideal type, a benchmark as it were, for militaries and their deployment by governments avowedly in pursuit of liberal agendas. This ideal type is constructed in two sections: operationalization and form. This paper therefore begins to provide a mechanism, some guidelines or talking points, for articulating and evaluating just how well liberal states may or may not be living up to their proclaimed lofty ideals in the very real world of military force and military forces at a time when a fundamental ‘transformation’ of defence is claimed to be a pressing priority.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an overview of assessments analysing the rationales behind American ballistic missile defence, through the application of a Critical Security Studies perspective, and address the underlying assumptions and potential limitations of these assessments.
Abstract: American ballistic missile defence remains highly contentious and has been the source of much academic debate. This article undertakes an overview of assessments analysing the rationales behind missile defence. Through the application of a Critical Security Studies perspective, it addresses the underlying assumptions and potential limitations of these assessments. In particular it seeks to show that the current literature on missile defence is predicated on a prior distinction between politics and technology. This, however, is itself problematized within critical approaches as constitutive of a particular mode of thought integral to the maintenance of the very weapons missile defence proposes to address.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide a short background on the Islamic perspective on constitutional politics, and then move on to consider the case studies of Afghanistan and Iraq through a detailed, comparative approach.
Abstract: Much of the controversy that surrounded the development of a constitution in Afghanistan in 2004, and in Iraq in 2005, was over the place and prominence that Islam should assume in the documents and, by extension, the role of religion in the new politics of the two states. This paper begins by providing a short background on the Islamic perspective on constitutional politics, and then moves on to consider the case studies of Afghanistan and Iraq through a detailed, comparative approach. It provides a historical context on previous constitutional experiments in the two states and the place of Islam in earlier constitutions, and then discusses the specific issues raised by the relationship between Islam and constitutionalism in contemporary Afghanistan and Iraq. In particular, the position and weight given to Islam and Islamic law in the two constitutions are considered, along with some of the strengths, weaknesses and controversies that accompanied the constitution drafting and ratification processes. The ...
TL;DR: In this paper, the intersections between migrants (international, internal and settler-descendent), gender, and human security are explored in the context of Papua New Guinea and New Caledonia.
Abstract: This article explores the intersections between migrants (international, internal and settler-descendent), gender, and human security. It focuses on Fiji, Bougainville and New Caledonia as distinctive Pacific contexts in which to analyse how colonial and contemporary migration flows have contributed to the destabilization of local communities. It works to complicate the pervasive discourse about women as ‘victims’ of conflict by describing women's contributions to peace-building and human security in Fiji and Bougainville, as well as women's involvement in conflict in Kanak peoples' struggles for independence in New Caledonia and their subsequent peace-building efforts. The Fiji Women Peace and Security Coordinating Committee exemplifies how indigenous women are working with contemporary settler-descendents of colonial migrants as committed peace-builders. In Bougainville continuous conflict is linked to the stresses generated by contemporary migration, as people move within Papua New Guinea and others mo...
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In the post-9/11 period, the security considerations that arose after 9/11... have led to much greater dialogue between countries with respect to movement across borders as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: On 11 September 2001, hijacked passenger planes were deliberately crashed into the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington, DC. These attacks caused the death of approximately 3000 people. The perpetrators of this terrorist attack were not citizens of the United States but rather foreign nationals who had entered the country on student and tourist visas. It is not surprising then, as Graeme Hugo points out in the interview with him published in this special section, that ‘the security considerations that arose after 9/11 . . . have led to much greater dialogue between countries with respect to movement across borders’. It is worth keeping in mind, however, that 9/11 merely exacerbated a tendency already apparent on the part of governments to treat those who move across international borders as a security problem. The tendency is, in fact, part of a wider postCold-War phenomenon of extending the meaning of security beyond the safeguarding of the state against military threats to its very existence, to one that encompasses the safeguarding of its society as a whole against perceived transnational threats to a way of life. If border crossers were considered a security problem primarily because they might be terrorists, all border crossers would be equally suspect and equally the target of control measures. Interestingly, however, the movement across borders of well-heeled tourists, business travellers and the like continues to be facilitated. It is would-be migrants, whether voluntary or forced, who are perceived and treated as the greater threats—perhaps criminals, or, worse still, potential takers of citizens’ jobs and destroyers of cultural identity. Didier Bigo has warned academics against accepting this negative linkage of migration and security as a ‘truth’, arguing that the link is, rather, a construction of those in a social position to speak the language of security authoritatively. The irony, as Jef Huysmans points out, is that academics agreeing with Bigo are faced with the dilemma of ‘how to talk or write about the securitization of migration without contributing to a further securitization