Showing papers in "Middle Eastern Studies in 1994"

The middle east conflict and tourism to Israel, 1967–90

Abstract: (1994). The middle east conflict and tourism to Israel, 1967–90. Middle Eastern Studies: Vol. 30, No. 3, pp. 646-667.

The process of democratization in Jordan

Abstract: Cet article presente les evenements survenus en Jordanie depuis le Pacte National de 1928, qui preparait l'independance nationale de 1946, jusqu'au debut des annees 1990. Cette periode connut bien des changements dans les sytemes politiques, economiques et sociaux, passant de la democratisation et du liberalisme a la repression et la gestion totalitaire du pays qui dissolut le parlement en 1974 et ce pendant dix ans. Le processus de developpement politique et economique de la Jordanie est remis dans un contexte historique de relations tendues avec les pays environnants, mais egalement de crises economiques mondiales successives qui toucherent directement les revenus du pays

The Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem beween Hellenism and Arabism

Abstract: L'histoire du patriarcat orthodoxe oriental de Jerusalem a ete dominee, au cours des cent dernieres annees, par la lutte pour le maintien de son caractere hellenique contre le laicat national, arabe et autoritaire, qui revendique un droit de regard sur l'election des patriarches, le partage de l'episcopat et la possibilite d'adherer a la Fraternite du Saint-Sepulcre

Qatar: The Duality of the Legal System

Abstract: characteristics define Qatar's particularity. First, as a traditional Muslim society, people have settled their disputes according to the sharia court (Islamic court), which applies sharia law (Muslim law). Second, the independence of Qatar in 1971 marked the termination of British protection and with it British jurisdiction over non-Muslim residents. Consequently, the Amir established the Adlia court (civil court) to meet the needs and problems which resulted from the termination of British jurisdiction.' The foregoing characteristics, peculiar to Qatar, have produced a viable dualism in its legal system different from that of the other Gulf

Hasan al-Turabi's Islamist Discourse on Democracy and Shura

Abstract: Le Dr. Hasan al-Turabi est le theoricien leader de l'islamisme en Afrique du Nord et au Moyen-Orient. Cet article tente d'analyser les trois composantes fondamentales de son discours politique: le divin contre l'humain, la liberation contre la liberte, et la shura contre la democratie. L'accent est mis sur le role de la revelation du Coran ainsi que des notions democratiques dans la construction de sa pensee

The Balkan pact and its immediate implications for the Balkan states, 1930–34

Abstract: (1994). The Balkan pact and its immediate implications for the Balkan states, 1930–34. Middle Eastern Studies: Vol. 30, No. 1, pp. 123-144.

The immigration policy of the Zionist institutions 1882–1914

Abstract: Zionism has always aspired to gather the Jewish people in its historical homeland. The Hibbat Zion organization and the Zionist movement's declared aim was, and still is, the ingathering of as many Jews as possible into Eretz Israel. What was the immigration policy of the various Zionist institutions prior to the First World War? This period is of special importance since these were the formative years of the Zionist movement. The aim of this article is threefold:

'One Thousand Wings': The United States Air Force Group and The American Mission for Aid to Turkey, 1947-50

Abstract: Turkish and American personnel were working together in full understanding and cooperative spirit from the general down to the sergeants. All spoke English, the language of the new world. Turkish personnel were learning the delicate instruments used in the air force of the most modern type being sent from America. One hangar consisted of mock-ups of all types of equipment used by pilots in training to familiarize them with engines and equipment ... we also saw installations for bomber practice and the low pressure chamber. At Izmir we saw the control tower in constant contact with the Thunderbolt aircraft which had taken off from the field on a training flight.'

The Litani River: Fact and Fiction

Abstract: Suspicion between countries is a natural and legitimate reaction, particularly when much activity is taking place along the border or close to it, or if any step is made that can or is seen to threaten one of the parties When applied to Israel and its neighbouring Arab countries, such suspicion comes easily to the fore after all these years of conflict This article will discuss the case of the Litani river in Lebanon, which flows not far from Israel For a long period now, Israel has been suspected by its neighbours of planning to divert the Litani river toward and into its own territory for its own needs Recently these suspicions, only rumours to start with, have developed into direct accusations, and there is a flood of publications to that effect Is it possible to check what the Israelis are doing in this area? If the Israelis are not utilizing the river, can we then generalize this case into much broader conclusions? To this end, an analysis will be made of the drainage system of the Litani, the geographical environs of this area and the plans to utilize its water We shall describe what has really been done there as well as what has been written on this issue The Litani river rises in the Bekaa Valley, a short distance west of Baalbek, and flows south, between the Lebanon mountain to the West and the anti-Lebanon mountains to the East At Qarun, the Litani enters a gorge that runs for some 30 km to a spot near Nabatiya, where the river turns sharply to the west and flows into the Mediterranean through the hilly terrain of the al-Amal region In all, the Litani is 170 km long, and its basin consists of 2,290 square kilometres A narrow ridge, about 5 km in width, separates the Litani from the Hasbani river, which is a tributary of

Saudi Arabia 1950–80: between nationalism and religion

Abstract: Cet article tente d'expliquer quelques uns des serieux problemes auxquels dut faire face le regime saoudien entre 1950 et 1980 ainsi que les reactions de l'elite dominante dans la manipulation des tensions creees par la situation. Le role des deux forces politiques principales a ete determinant : les nationalistes qui rassemblent les nationalistes arabes, saoudiens et, depuis la crise entre l'Irak et le Koweit, certains membres du nationalisme du Golfe arabe ; les traditionnalistes qui appartiennent aux principaux mouvements religieux (fondamentalistes et conservateurs) et aux groupes tribaux

The desperate Ottoman: Enver Paşa and the German empire: II

Abstract: Enver Pa§a was already a well-known figure in the Ottoman Empire prior to his achieving pre-eminence as war minister and chief strategist of the Ottoman forces in World War I. He was lucky enough to have been posted in Macedonia, center of the revolt of 1908; and he was bold enough to be among the first to oppose openly Sultan Abdulhamid. However, the experience that most shaped this fascinating soldier-statesman falls between the Young Turk revolt and World War I. It is the period least discussed in the historical writings on Enver: the Ottoman-Italian War over Libya. Perhaps the tendency to look for other factors to explain Enver stems from a misunderstanding of the importance of the war against Italy. Recent scholarship has stressed the crucial nature of the Balkan Wars in the destruction of the Empire. The message is that these engagements shattered the era of good feeling between the Millets brought in by the Young Turks. However, it had been clear since the end of the nineteenth century that religious conflict and nationalism would be the undoing of the 'Terrible Turk'. What the Italian War showed was the inability of the Ottomans to hold even the Muslim sections of their Empire, a fact which encouraged the Christians even more. If the great powers would go to war to chip away a Muslim section of the Ottoman Empire, they would surely help Christian nations free themselves. §evket Sureyya Aydemir introduces his section on Enver in the Italian War:

Pakistan and the question of Riba

Abstract: Au Pakistan, le debat sur la pratique de l'usure dans l'economie est lance depuis plusieurs annees, alors que les injonctions du Coran contre son emploi sont categoriques et tres claires. L'objectif de cet article est d'examiner les pieces versees au debat afin d'envisager si l'interet dans une economie competitive n'est pas incompatible avec la justice islamique. Une evaluation complete de la position traditionnelle nous est donnee par l'A.

Saudi development plans between capitalist and Islamic values

Abstract: Cet article discute des raisons qui amenerent le gouvernement saoudien a poursuivre une strategie de developpement sous la forme de plans quinquennaux. Quelles en sont les priorites et les implications nationales et objectives ? Les concepts de capitalisme et d'Islam en tant qu'ideologies et de systeme de valeurs politiques dans les plans de developpement, puis comme source de legitimite pour la famille royale au pouvoir actuellement, seront ensuite analyses

Proletarianization and national segregation: Haifa in the 1920s

Abstract: Histoire des interrelations entre l'experience des travailleurs juifs dans la ville de Haifa des annees 1920 et les attitudes qu'ils ont adoptees en rapport avec les Arabes (cooperation ou non) et mise en evidence de l'importance de l'interrelation entre les tensions sur le marche du travail et l'ideologie segregationniste avec le developpement du nationalisme sionisme sous la loi britannique

Nationalism, Modernism and Islam in the Writings of Talibov-i Tabrizi

Abstract: At the juncture between traditional cultures and modernity stands a variety of intellectuals, diverse in their origins and views, who seek to hasten and mediate the transition from traditionalism to modernization. Almost always these intellectuals share a sense of urgency which derives primarily from their nationalism or the belief in modernization as the principal means through which the independence of their country can be maintained in a world dominated by powerful imperialist states. Chinese and Japanese intellectuals began to face such dilemmas beginning in the second half of the nineteenth century, and so did a new generation of Iranian intellectuals at precisely the same historical moment. In each case, however, the existing culture, as well as the dominant form of the power relations, determined the shape, perception and outcome of their respective messages. Nowhere can this be more clearly seen than in nineteenth century Iran, and in particular in the case of one such intellectual, Mirza Abdul Rahim Tabrizi (1834-1911), known as Talibov. At once marginal and central, his life, intellectual career and political philosophy foreshadowed the shape and the fate of modernizing nationalism not only in Iran, but also throughout much of the Islamic world.

Constitutionalism, economic modernization and Islam in the writings of Mirza Yusef Khan Mostashar od‐Dowle

Abstract: Mirza Yusef Khan avancait que le retard de l'Iran pouvait etre resolu en adoptant le modele constitutionnel francais (code legislatif, pouvoir executif ministeriel responsable devant une assemblee legislative), systeme auquel l'Islam s'adaptait. Quant a la modernisation economique, elle passait par la construction de voies ferrees mais l'independance politique iranienne ne pouvait etre preservee avec une structure economique dominee par les Etats et les compagnies europeennes

Shaykh al-'Aql and the Druze of Mount Lebanon: Conflict and Accommodation

Abstract: The Lebanese Druze are well known for their solidarity despite the fact that for centuries they have suffered deep internal divisions. It is generally believed, although not systematically researched, that their particular social and religious structures have been a major factor in preserving their unity and distinctive way of life at a time when deep and rapid changes are sweeping the area.' However, these two structures are apparently not strong enough to end the internal division which more than once has made the community vulnerable to outside pressures. Animosity remains between the two major factions the Yazbakis, who today are represented by the princely Arslan family, and the Junblatis led by Walid Junblat. In other Muslim societies religious figures intervene successfully to reconcile quarreling individuals or groups, but for various reasons this has been ineffective in healing the long-term rift between the two Druze families. The political consequences of this division are as serious for this small and vigorous community in post-war Lebanon as they ever were. There are signs that the tightly-knit Druze community of the civil war years, may again divide its loyalties between the rival clan leaders as important yet contentious community issues arise. Paradoxically, one such issue concerns the very symbol of Druze solidarity and fraternity their spiritual leader, the Shaykh al-'Aql. Shaykh al-'Aql Muhammad Abu-Shaqra's appointment of a shaykh to replace him temporarily the day before he died in October 1991 ignited a full-blown controversy which swept the community. Curiously, the issue appeared more political than religious since customary selection procedures, which involved the prerogatives of both political leaders, had apparently been waived. But even the ascetic and revered Abu Hassan Arif al-Halawi, one of the few holy men fully initiated into the Druze faith, was troubled by the Shaykh's initiative, feeling that he too should have been consulted. Moreover, Walid Junblat and Talal Arslan immediately squared off on the merits of the man who was tapped and the reasons behind his selection. The issues raised suggest the importance of the Shaykh al-'Aql in the Druze political equation, and seem to belie the peacekeeping function ordinarily linked with Druze spiritual leadership. Using this controversy as a point of departure, this study investigates the roles of the Druze

Opposition to Reza Khan within the Iranian Army, 1921–26

Abstract: (1994). Opposition to Reza Khan within the Iranian Army, 1921–26. Middle Eastern Studies: Vol. 30, No. 4, pp. 724-750.

Contested waters and the prospects for Arab Israeli peace

Abstract: (1994). Contested waters and the prospects for Arab Israeli peace. Middle Eastern Studies: Vol. 30, No. 2, pp. 281-303.

The antonius papers and the Arab awakening, over fifty years on

Abstract: What can be the purpose of writing about George Antonius more than 50 years after the publication of The Arab Awakening, when apparently everything that was worth analysing and reviewing has already been done by other writers?' Why dwell on the issue again if not for the fact that the book itself and its theme - the rise and establishment of nationalism as the leading doctrine in the Arab countries after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire - still remains a source of polemics among those who study the modern history of the Middle East, its traps, dead ends and pitfalls? The answer is that the consequences of intricate diplomatic exchanges before and after World War I, or the disorientation and confusion they created for future generations, still evoke fervent discussion. The thesis there developed still stimulates scholars to rethink its central themes and their political implications.2 By following this debate, we are reminded of the complexity of the underlying notions (in their current meaning as well as in their original one), and compelled to reconsider some of the assumptions at their basis which have, over the decades, been accepted as indisputable and uncontested evidence. One of the principal builders of this construction was, as is widely known, George Antonius. However, amazingly enough, no thoroughly conducted analysis of his personal archive has yet been published which would end the discussion on whether he knew a great deal more than he exposed in his book. The leading studies on the subject analyse The Arab Awakening by comparing its text to some of the sources revealed officially after its publication, but a number of questions regarding the discrepancies between Antonius' arguments and the documents in his possession still remain unanswered.3 Some answers to these questions are to be found in the papers assembled at the Israel State Archives after Antonius' death. A glance at these papers can bridge the gap between assumptions and evidence and shed some light on controversial points in Antonius' argumentation. British official documents, private Western and Arab archives, secondary sources and oral accounts were at the basis of Antonius' analysis.4 These

Syrian and Iraqi nationalist attitudes to the Kemalist and Bolshevik movements

Abstract: S'il y eut des liens entre les organisations nationalistes arabes iraquiens et syriens et les Kemalistes turcs, ils ne furent pas aussi etendus que l'ont laisse penser les forces etrangeres francaises et surtout britanniques. De meme il n'exista que des liens substantiels entre le mouvement bolchevik et les organisations arabes