Showing papers in "Pacific Historical Review in 1969"
TL;DR: A complete set of documents in the library of the Bureau of the Budget (xerox copies now in Utah State University Library) now make possible such a comparison as discussed by the authors, which has been the difficulty of obtaining comparable data for each of the forty-eight states.
Abstract: A MAJOR PROBLEM connected with measuring the economic impact of the New Deal has been the difficulty of obtaining comparable data for each of the forty-eight states. A complete set of documents in the library of the Bureau of the Budget (xerox copies now in Utah State University Library) now make possible such a comparison. Prepared late in 1939 by the Office of Government Reports for the use of Franklin Roosevelt during the presidential campaign of 1940, the fifty-page reports-one for each stategive precise information on the activities and achievements of the various New Deal economic agencies. The obvious intent of the statistical summaries was to dramatize to voters in each state the ac-
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TL;DR: The effect of United States immigration and naturalization policies on relations with China and Japan from the late nineteenth century through World War II has received much attention from historians as discussed by the authors, and the inclusion of the few thousand Indian immigrants within the anti-Oriental movement that became national policy during the World War I era was a constant irritant in the promotion of understanding between the United States and India, particularly with the Indian nationalists.
Abstract: THE EFFECT Of United States immigration and naturalization policies on relations with China and Japan from the late nineteenth century through World War II has received much attention from historians. American treatment of immigrants from the other major Asian country, India, has understandably been ignored due to the absence of any controversies with the imperial government of India.' Yet the inclusion of the few thousand Indian immigrants within the anti-Oriental movement that became national policy during the World War I era was a constant irritant in the promotion of understanding between the United States and India, particularly with the Indian nationalists. At a time of general American indifference to Asian nationalism, the racially inspired immigration and naturalization policies of the United States were seen by Indians as the most tangible evidence of American public and official attitudes toward India. Within the limits imposed by British imperialism, the Indians protested and retaliated against the United States. Leaders of the Indian community in America, supported by
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TL;DR: This article argued that Franklin D. Roosevelt's policies affected the nation somewhat uniformly, or that they marked a long stride in the march of America away from regionalism toward a nationalized political and economic system.
Abstract: THE NEW DEAL, it is said, ushered in the welfare state, exalting in the process national power at the expense of the states. An implied corollary of this perspective is that Franklin D. Roosevelt's policies affected the nation somewhat uniformly, or that they marked a long stride in the march of America away from regionalism toward a nationalized political and economic system. Thus, western history, which once occupied a proud position in American historiography, has fallen into neglect in recent years, and scholars have stressed class or urban-rural divisions instead of sectionalism as
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TL;DR: The coming of age of the new generation can be dated, for the 1930's saw the proportion of adult Japanese males born in the United States increase from one in fifteen to one in three as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: THE CONFLICTS which beset the maturing second-generation Japanese Americans were even more intense than those which so often have faced second-generation groups in the United States. The Nisei had inherited from ther parents a remarkable drive to succeed in the face of hardships, but they had also learned the American definition of success, by which standard the accommodation made by their parents could not be considered satisfactory. Suspicious and hostile white Americans had years before put the ambitious Japanese immigrants in their place by means legal and extralegal. The coming of age of the new generation can be dated, for the 1930's saw the proportion of adult Japanese males born in the United States increase from one in fifteen to one in three. Nowhere was the quiet drama of maturation played with deeper feeling or significance than in Los Angeles, the Japanese American metropolis, where-in contrast to the continental United States as a whole-Japanese population increased during the depression decade. By 1940, the 36,866 Japanese in the county, alien and native-born, constituted 29 percent of the national total.' To date, writings on the Japanese Americans have tended to con-
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TL;DR: The role of organized labor in the anti-imperialist movement is often overlooked by historians as discussed by the authors, who tend to neglect the role of Gompers and organize labor in this movement.
Abstract: SHistorians have tended to neglect the role of Gompers and of organized labor in the anti-imperialist movement. Julius Pratt, in "American Business and the SpanishAmerican War," Hispanic American Historical Review, XIV (1934), 163-201, surveyed business attitudes toward expansion but ignored those of labor. The pattern was followed by Fred Harvey Harrington who, in "Literary Aspects of American AntiImperialism, 1898-1902," New England Quarterly, X (1937), 650-667, made no mention of Gompers' contribution as editor of the American Federationist, then the country's most important trade union journal. In "The Anti-Imperialist Movement in the United States, 1898-1900," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXII (1935), 219, Harrington conceded that labor "deserves at least passing mention," although he believed that the trade union contribution to the anti-imperialist cause was slight. This opinion is shared by Robert Beisner in his recent study, Twelve Against Empire: The Anti-Imperialists, 1898-1900 (New York, 1968), xii. Neither Beisner nor Harrington, however, cites labor sources to justify such a conclusion. Gompers and labor are omitted from E. Berkeley Tompkins' "Scylla and Charybdis: the Anti-Imperialist Dilemma in the Election of 1900," Pacific Historical Review, XXXVI (1967), 143-161, and merely alluded to in his "The Old Guard: A Study of the Anti-Imperialist Leadership," Historian, XXX (1968), 366-388. Richard E. Welch, Jr., in "Motives and Policy Objectives of Anti-Imperialists, 1898," Mid-America, LI (1969), 119-129, provides a select list of fifty "representative antiimperialists" who illustrate "the diversity of the movement." The name of Gompers fails to appear. None of these scholars seems to have consulted the readily accessible trade union sources.
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TL;DR: In 1933 New Dealers who knew much about Wyoming history did not expect the Cowboy State to be the best hotbed for their reforms as discussed by the authors, since stockmen were respected and influential there, and they served as vocal, aggressive custodians of what remained of the frontier spirit.
Abstract: IN 1933 New Dealers who knew much about Wyoming history did not expect the Cowboy State to be the best hotbed for their reforms. More so than in any other state, stockmen were respected and influential there. Although they had always been dependent on various types of federal aid, they wanted as little government as possible, and preferred most of that to be in state and local hands.' Professing independence, self-reliance, and dedication to free enterprise, they served as vocal, aggressive custodians of what remained of the frontier spirit. They had fought many battles with federal officials over the administration and disposal of public lands. Many of them still had access to free land, part of the sixty percent of the state's area which still belonged in 1930 to the federal government. Developers of oil, gas, coal, and other minerals similarly wanted a minimum of federal government restrictions. More than seventy percent of the state's mineral rights still belonged to the federal government. About one-third of the state's gainfully employed worked in agriculture.2 Although agriculture was the leading industry, Wyoming was obviously not a typical farm state, since ninety-five percent of its surface had never been plowed. Eighty percent of cash receipts from agriculture normally came from livestock and livestock products.3 A
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TL;DR: Carlson's encounter with Chinese Communists led to a harvest of publicity favorable to the Chinese Communists, to a dramatic resignation from the United States Marine Corps, to the formation of the Marine Raider battalions of the Second World War.
Abstract: IN 1937 Captain Evans F. Carlson of the United States Marine Corps became the first foreign military observer to scrutinize at firsthand the operations of the Chinese Red Army. This historic encounter with Chinese Communists had significant consequences. It led to a harvest of publicity favorable to the Chinese Reds, to a dramatic resignation from the Marine Corps, to the formation of the famed Marine Raider battalions of the Second
TL;DR: The United States in 1919 took the lead in organizing the first international arms embargo in history against a particular country as discussed by the authors, which was essentially humanitarian and moralistic, was to end the civil wars that had swept China since the fall of the Manchu government in 1912 and thereby to alleviate the suffering of the Chinese people.
Abstract: THE COMPETING DEMANDS Of commercial interests and broader political considerations have been a constant theme in American relations with China during the first half of the twentieth century. Ideally, commercial activity should have been subordinated to the national interest, but such was not the case on all too many occasions.? A good illustration of the problems arising from the failure to establish sound priorities can be found in American trade with China in munitions of war, especially aircraft, during the years between the two world wars. The United States in 1919 took the lead in organizing the first international arms embargo in history against a particular country. The aim, essentially humanitarian and moralistic, was to end the civil wars that had swept China since the fall of the Manchu government in 1912 and thereby to alleviate the suffering of the Chinese people.2 But the embargo had little effect. Arms continued to reach China from a variety of sources, and the civil wars continued with unabated ferocity.3 One great difficulty with the embargo involved a definition of "arms and munitions of war." As soon as the ban went into effect,
TL;DR: SINCLAIR, recently remarried, settled in California in 1915 to pursue a quiet life of writing as discussed by the authors, and tried to remain out of the public eye during the next two decades, lending support to the radical movement only by writing polemics or by allowing the use of his name.
Abstract: UPTON SINCLAIR, recently remarried, settled in California in 1915 to pursue a quiet life of writing. Though he had an international reputation as a muckraking crusader for radical causes and as a writer of socialist novels, he was jealous of his privacy. He tried to remain out of the public eye during the next two decades, lending support to the radical movement only by writing polemics or by allowing the use of his name. Though not an active participant, Sinclair was in close touch with radical activities in California. His correspondence and articles on current issues appeared frequently in reform publications throughout the 1920's. But he was careful to keep somewhat aloof, fearful that he would neglect his personal writing plans and become sidetracked into writing for a particular cause.
TL;DR: The strike of the Imperial cantaloupe workers in 1928 is part of a long and sometimes bitter heritage of conflict between Mexican agricultural workers and their employers in rural California as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: more spectacular conflicts in California's fields, the 1928 strike was a purely local affair, staged by Imperial Valley workers with little or no aid from outside organizations. It was broken easily, in part because of organizational weaknesses, but primarily through threats and force by the valley's growers and law enforcement officials. Nevertheless, the strike stands as an important event in California history. It was the first attempt at a major work-stoppage organized by Mexican farm workers in modern California. It is important to note that this attempt occurred nearly forty years before the current struggle in Delano and nearly fifteen years before the beginning of the formal bracero program. The strike of the Imperial cantaloupe workers in 1928 is part of a long and sometimes bitter heritage of conflict between Mexican agricultural workers and their employers in rural California.1 The basic economic and social conditions that caused the Imperial Valley strike already were well established in 1928, and the Delano Huelga indicates that these conditions still exist in California's fields.
TL;DR: The Populist brand of God-fearing radicalism was tailor-made to the small farmers of California who, caught between low commodity prices and high transportation rates, as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: I N LATER LIFE, while reminiscing about his days in the White House, Grover Cleveland once called the year 1894 his time of troubles. Students of the Gilded Age have generally agreed with the President's appraisal; one historian labels the twelve months between July 1894 and July 1895 as the "annee terrible of American History between Reconstruction and the World War." 1 While California in the nineteenth century has been viewed traditionally as the "great exception," in this instance it followed all too closely the pattern of national events. Agrarian unrest, nativism, unemployment, and labor strife bordering on open class-warfare seemed to pervade all layers of society and served to tarnish the image of the Golden State.2 It was in 1894 that the Peoples' Party in California achieved its greatest success. This group of politically minded farmers ran candidates for every state office and in several isolated areas succeeded in displacing the major parties. The Populist brand of God-fearing radicalism was tailor-made to the small farmers of the state who, caught between low commodity prices and high transportation rates,
TL;DR: The Federal Records Act of 1950 forbade the archivist from removing or relaxing restrictions without the written approval of the head of the agency from which the material had been transferred as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: THE PROBLEM Of restrictions upon the use of records, manuscripts, and other archival materials is a familiar one to historians as well as scholars in other disciplines. Particularly important is the question of the extent of such limitations in regard to the National Archives and Records Service, which is the chief depository for federal records. The 1934 legislation that established the National Archives provided that any agency or department head transferring material to the archives could restrict the use of "confidential matter.., .as he may deem wise." The Federal Records Act of 1950 forbade the archivist from removing or relaxing restrictions without the written approval of the head of the agency from which the material had been transferred.'
TL;DR: In 1967, the wire services reported the death of California's misnamed loyalty oath-in reality an oath of denial of disloyalty as discussed by the authors, which had been required of every non-alien on the regular or casual payroll of the state or any of its subdivisions or agencies.
Abstract: ON DECEMBER 21, 1967, the wire services reported the death of California's misnamed loyalty oath-in reality an oath of denial of disloyalty. Since 1950 that oath had been required of every nonalien on the regular or casual payroll of the state or any of its subdivisions or agencies. The scope was such that millions, literally millions, of executions of the oath had been recorded. Among the signatories were every public school teacher and every professor in the state university, the state colleges, and the junior colleges. The obituary, coming as it did on the fourth day before Christmas, was almost lost in the visions of sugarplums, the ads, and the hurlyburly of last minute shopping. But to the alert it meant that Santa Claus was on the way and already as far south as the State Building in San Francisco, or, more accurately, that the Wise Men were there with a gift many had been yearning for for seventeen years. The tidings were that the California Supreme Court, in a six-to-one division, had held invalid the second paragraph of Section 3, Article XX, of the state constitution as violative of First Amendment rights. The objectionable language read:
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors suggest that the profession should seek ways to modify the existing statutory situation regarding the availability of archival material, and suggest a committee for the National Archives and charge with the responsibility of devising a policy on access to "confidential" material.
Abstract: fairly common problem, it suggests that the profession should seek ways to modify the existing statutory situation regarding the availability of archival material. In 1957 the State Department created an Advisory Committee on its Foreign Relations series composed of three experts nominated by the American Historical Association, two by the American Political Science Association, and two by the American Society of International Law.24 Such a committee could be created for the National Archives and charged with the responsibility of devising a policy on access to "confidential" material. The American Historical Association might well take the lead in suggesting its establishment. Perhaps in this manner seemingly unreasonable decisions by department heads might be prevented. In a 1963 article on the Foreign Relations series, Professor Richard W. Leopold wrote that "historians have a special responsibility to bring pressure intelligently but firmly upon the executive and legislative branches to insure the continued usefulness of Foreign Relations in an age of peril and change." 25 The same responsibility also applies to access to other material in the National Archives.
TL;DR: In the early 1870s, the Meiji Restoration of Japan witnessed an intensive search for new ideas, Western techniques, and foreign advice as discussed by the authors, and the excitement of this rapid change and modernization drew many Europeans and Americans to Tokyo, where some were hired to advise the government about such matters as Western legal procedure, education, military technology and foreign policy.
Abstract: HE FIRST DECDEES following the Meiji Restoration of 1868 in Japan witnessed an intensive search for new ideas, Western techniques, and foreign advice. The excitement of this rapid change and modernization drew many Europeans and Americans to Tokyo, where some were hired to advise the government about such matters as Western legal procedure, education, military technology, and foreign policy. The latter category was one of particular interest, since a desire to extend the boundaries of Japan had been present in certain groups since late Tokugawa days. Any expansion would have to be carefully planned, however, since a preeminent goal of the Meiji oligarchs was to modernize and strengthen the country to ward off Western interference. A foreign adventure might draw the opposition of the major powers-a risk to be carefully avoided. Thus, Western counselors to the Japanese Foreign Office could serve a doubly useful purpose; knowing Western attitudes, they could help formulate a course that would attract a minimum of outside opposition and would at the same time strengthen and improve Japan's strategic position in East Asia against potential enemies. Of the advisers to the Japanese Foreign Office during the 1870's, perhaps the most influential were the Frenchman Emile Boissonade and the French-born, naturalized American citizen, Charles William LeGendre.1 Little has been written about LeGendre, but the advice he rendered to the Foreign Office during his Japanese career came to
TL;DR: The impact of the New Deal on the state of Colorado is discussed in this paper, where the impact of crop reduction, farm loans, mortgage moratoriums, resettlement programs, and Dust Bowl abatement are discussed.
Abstract: A MONG THE WESTERN STATES, few offer the historian greater opportunity to study the impact of the New Deal than does Colorado. Largely agricultural, it encouraged trials in crop reduction, farm loans, mortgage moratoriums, resettlement programs, and Dust Bowl abatement. Beyond the farmlands, in the forested mountains which cover one-third of the state, there abounded numerous possibilities to develop and perfect projects in conservation and reclamation. In addition, urban centers such as Denver and Pueblo cried for creative experimentation that would alleviate the depressed condition of their inhabitants. Like other Rocky Mountain states, Colorado experienced persistent mild depression during the 1920's.1 By this time, wealth from the state's precious metals had declined dramatically as miners depleted the supply of prime quality ore. Down as well were coal consumption and railroad construction. What is more, profits from expanded farm production could not compensate for these economic handicaps. Thus, Colorado failed in its struggle to regain the prosperity it had experienced in the preceding decade.2 Limited economic success was evident in 1929, but within a year it had disappeared.3 The Great Depression of the 1930's descended
TL;DR: In 1945, these words appeared on the cover of a pamphlet published by the United States government for use at the United Nations conference in San Francisco as discussed by the authors, which declared a justifiable pride in one of the little-known but highly important dramas of the late global war: the effort to find living accommodations for millions of war workers who suddenly swelled the population of strategic defense areas throughout the nation.
Abstract: IN 1945 THESE WORDS appeared on the cover of a pamphlet published by the United States government for use at the United Nations conference in San Francisco. It declared a justifiable pride in one of the little-known but highly important dramas of the late global war: the effort to find living accommodations for millions of war workers who suddenly swelled the population of strategic defense areas throughout the nation. Long before the attack on Pearl Harbor, it had become clear to American leaders that the United States could not remain aloof from
TL;DR: In the early 1930's, Idaho was a relatively small state with only two cities, Boise and Pocatello, and only five other communities of over 5,000 residents as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: MAJOR TRENDS of American history have always developed differently in different regions of the country. In a nation so large, diverse, and increasingly complex as the United States, this is only logical. Certainly the New Deal of the 1930's, one of America's most vast and far-reaching political movements, varied widely in its impact upon various geographical areas. Before the New Deal historical mosaic can be completed, each locale will have to be examined, both for its unique and for its common traits. Idaho, typically western in the frontier orientation of its historiography, is a case in point.' Rural and remote, the commonwealth of Idaho presented a peculiar environment to the basically urban and liberal reform impulse of Roosevelt's New Deal. The 1930 census revealed that, of the state's 445,032 people, only 38,015 lived in cities of 10,000 or more. In fact, Idaho could boast only two such cities, Boise and Pocatello, and only five other communities of over 5,000.2 So the New Deal there would naturally be a rural phenomenon, and it would be closely keyed to the state's major economic interests-agriculture, mining, and lumber. Furthermore, the New Deal there would naturally be chaotic. Gem State politics had always been wide open and free-wheeling, characterized by personal charisma and an incredible factionalism dating back to Populist days. Perhaps the logic of history, geography, and economics predetermined the federal-state distrust and dissension which quickly came to characterize the Idaho New Deal. Like most national happenings, the Great Depression came late to Idaho. True, the state resembled other farming communities
TL;DR: On the night of September 18-19, 1931, Japanese troops started a determined and energetic assault against Chinese authority in Manchuria as discussed by the authors, and the Japanese Kwantung Army, commanded by the firebrand General Shigeru Honjo, moved quickly and efficiently against the Chinese troops stationed near that city.
Abstract: ON THE NIGHT OF September 18-19, 1931, Japanese troops started a determined and energetic assault against Chinese authority in Manchuria. Already enjoying considerable treaty rights in those northern Chinese provinces, the Japanese militants wanted to drive out China altogether and either annex Manchuria to Japan or set up a puppet regime under Japanese control. Capitalizing initially on an explosion that destroyed thirty-one inches of South Manchurian Railway track north of the city of Mukden, the Japanese Kwantung Army, commanded by the firebrand General Shigeru Honjo, moved quickly and efficiently against the Chinese troops stationed near that city. Over the next three and one half months the Kwantung Army, spreading out over the three provinces that comprised Manchuria, easily overwhelmed vastly superior numbers of Chinese soldiers. By January 1932, all serious Chinese resistance had collapsed and all Chinese authority in Manchuria had ended.'