Showing papers in "Pacific Historical Review in 1989"
31 citations
TL;DR: The U.S. battleship Maine exploded in Havana harbor at 9:40 p.m. on February 15, 1898 as mentioned in this paper, killing 266 of the ship's 354 officers and men.
Abstract: At 9:40 p.m. on February 15, 1898, the U.S. battleship Maine exploded in Havana harbor. The explosion occurred in the forward part of the vessel, near the port side, and almost directly under the enlisted men's quarters. The loss of life was staggering: out of a complement of 354 officers and men, a total of 266 perished in the explosion. The destruction of the Maine had immediate international repercussions. These were troubled times between the United States and Spain, a period of increasing tensions and deteriorating relations during which mutual suspicions were becoming at least as much a source of estrangement as conflicting national interests. In the United States official impatience with Spain's conduct of the war in Cuba was increasing. So was popular support for Cuba Libre. For almost three years public officials and public opinion had acted upon one another in such a fashion as to make the rebellion in Cuba
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TL;DR: The reason for California's poor showing lies, of course, in the fact that the state's population and economy were much larger, more diverse, and more urban than those of Populist strongholds like Kansas or the Dakotas as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Between 1890 and the end of 1896, every major wheat producing state in the American West elected a Populist governor except one: California. Everywhere else, west of or along the ninety-eighth meridian, desperate wheat farmers fighting a two-front battle against drought and falling prices reacted by organizing vigorous Populist parties that seized large shares of power in state after state. California, which in 1890 ranked second among the nation's wheat states, also produced a significant Populist movement. Yet Populism in the Golden State remained relatively weak overall, with its power and appeal tightly confined to specific local regions. Part of the explanation for California Populism's poor showing lies, of course, in the fact that the state's population and economy were much larger, more diverse, and more urban than those of Populist strongholds like Kansas or the Dakotas. Greater diversity also characterized California's highly segmented agricultural sector, which included extensive livestock, citrus, deciduous fruit, dairy, and vine
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TL;DR: In 1976, two years after the death of Berkeley demographer Sherburne Friend Cook, the University of California Press published his Population of the California Indians, 1769-1970 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In 1976, two years after the death of Berkeley demographer Sherburne Friend Cook, the University of California Press published his Population of the California Indians, 1769-1970.1 The culmination of four decades of Cook's thinking about the subject, anthropologist Robert F. Heizer and historian Woodrow Borah judged Cook's posthumous work to be "the most authoritative analysis of native Californian demography ...since the discovery to the present decade."2 Among modern scholars, Cook's final estimate of 310,000 Indians in California before white contact is among the highest. While not everyone accepts Cook's figures, his publications comprise the largest and most important corpus of writing on California Indian demography.3
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TL;DR: The origins of division and war in Korea could be found in the period from 1945 to January 1947 when the U.S. unwisely fostered the political ascendancy of South Korea's far right as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Historiography on American foreign policy leading up to the Korean War progressed very slowly until the publication of three major works: The Origins of the Korean War, by Bruce Cumings; The Road to Confrontation, by William Stueck; and The Reluctant Crusade, by James Matray. Bruce Cumings first quickened the pace by arguing that the roots of division and war in Korea could be found in the period from 1945 to January 1947 when the U.S. unwisely fostered the political ascendancy of South Korea's far right. But Cumings's time frame left unexplored the kaleidoscope of policy formulation which began in 1947, a challenge taken up by William Stueck, who contended that America's Korean policy evolved from the need to protect both U.S. prestige abroad and President Harry Truman's tenuous political position at home. He also
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TL;DR: Schweikart et al. as mentioned in this paper acknowledge financial support received from the Research Institute of the University of Dayton, the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, and the Earhart Foundation.
Abstract: Larry Schweikart wishes to acknowledge financial support received from the Research Institute of the University of Dayton, the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, and the Earhart Foundation. 1. Material on land booms appears in Vernon Carstensen, ed., The Public Lands (Madison, 1963); Douglass North, The Economic Growth of the United States, 1790-1860 (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1961); North, Growth and Welfare in the American Past (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1966); Paul Wallace Gates, "The Role of the Land Speculator in Western Development," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, LXVI (1942), 314-333; Allan and Margaret Bogue, "Profits and the Frontier Land Speculator," Journal of Economic History, XVII (1957), 1-24;
6 citations
TL;DR: In the long sweep of time, America's place as a world power has not received much historiographical attention as mentioned in this paper, despite the fact that it has been studied and argued over by historians.
Abstract: successful if it could create "among the peoples of the world generally the impression of a country which knows what it wants" by measuring up "to its own best traditions." Americans, said the historian, diplomat, and policy analyst, would then be "accepting the responsibilities of moral and political leadership that history plainly intended them to bear." Kennan, in proposing the principle of containment of the Soviet Union, was taking for granted suppositions not only about America's place in space, but also in time. The spaces occupied by American influence have been studied and argued over by historians -the alliance system that reached globally, the network of strategic bases, and the wars fought over geopolitical areas in the national interest. But America's place as a world power in the long sweep of time has not received much historiographical attention.'
TL;DR: A crowd of over 7,000 led by the delegates displaying their bright yellow Farmers' Alliance ribbons had gathered to hear the national president of the California Farmers Alliance, Colonel Leonidas L. Polk.
Abstract: Angeles debated resolutions, approved committee reports, and selected officers. They knew, however, that the conclusion of the convention would be its emotional highpoint. Squeezed into the city's largest auditorium, a crowd of over 7,000 led by the delegates displaying their bright yellow Farmers' Alliance ribbons had gathered to hear the national president of the Farmers' Alliance, Colonel Leonidas L. Polk. Isolated from the alliance strongholds in the South and on the Great Plains, the Californians welcomed Polk as a symbol of the national struggle in which they hoped to take part. More important, Polk's arrival provided an opportunity to reflect upon the previous eighteen months of organization, and ponder the movement's future. The optimism at the convention notwithstanding, many members of the California Farmers' Alliance crowding into Hazard's Pavilion on this October night remained uncertain about what direction their movement should take. Along with the delegates, reform leaders representing groups ranging from the Nationalists to the Prohibitionists also awaited Polk's address. For all of them, his talk would serve as a guidepost as they contemplated an uncharted political landscape.'
TL;DR: The Deadman oasis as mentioned in this paper is located along Deadman Creek in the Inyo National Forest, and was originally logged by the U.S. Forest Service in the 1950s.
Abstract: and Mono Craters are exceptions. They constitute high plateau, alpine country marked by hot springs, waterfalls, glacial moraines, volcanic cones, patches of rare red snow, floating pumice blocks, and glass-like lava flows. Irrigated by western rains and glacial waters these areas, shadowed by the mountains, once held delicate stands of slow-growing lodgepole pine, red fir, and Jeffrey pine-some 400 years old--while the sunny meadows regularly bloomed with purple lupin, Indian paintbrush, blue iris, shooting stars, and an occasional snow plant.' One of these oases was located along Deadman Creek in the Inyo National Forest. In the 1950s the U.S. Forest Service began logging the Deadman area, sparking a
TL;DR: In the early 20th century, United States policies in El Salvador were inconsistent and at cross-purposes as discussed by the authors, and the United States expected the Salvadoran government to adopt political, financial, and commercial programs which would facilitate American penetration of that society.
Abstract: In the early twentieth century, United States policies in El Salvador were inconsistent and at cross-purposes. An examination of the behavior of U.S. diplomats in El Salvador during the decade after the Spanish American War and the early stages of the Open Door policy reveals the contradictory nature of U.S. expansion. The United States expected the Salvadoran government to adopt political, financial, and commercial programs which would facilitate American penetration of that society. While U.S. political and economic influence was growing in El Salvador, that society was supposed to benefit materially through a transformation toward more liberal, democratic institutions. When U.S. material and ideological goals clashed, ideology gave way to economic and strategic objectives which were accompanied by the persistent interference of U.S. businessmen and government officials in El Salvador's economic, political, and international affairs. The interference generated anti-Americanism among Salvadorans.'
TL;DR: The first formal day of the general strike, July 17, 1934, was the second day of a general strike that swept over San Francisco and the Bay Area like a great tidal wave as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: It was Tuesday, July 17, 1934, second day of the general strike that swept over San Francisco and the Bay Area like a great tidal wave. To the mingled surprise, consternation, and alarm of practically everyone, thousands of workers had left their jobs the previous weekend; thousands more joined them on July 16, the first formal day of the general strike. Businesses of every kind closed their doors. Life as usual came to a halt. That morning, National Guardsmen manned a barricade, bristling with rifles and a machine gun, blocking Jackson Street at Drumm Street. The "machine gun nest" cut off traffic to the first block of Jackson Street where the Marine Workers Industrial Union (MWIU) had its office at number 65. Word of possible trouble had barely reached the MWIU office when a gang of men crashed through the front door. Some wore police badges; some were in plain clothes. An eyewitness recognized one as "Captain Malloy," presumably the same man soon identified in newspaper reports as the police officer who led the "posse" in several of the daylong series of "Police raids on Radical Meeting places." The raiders smashed typewriters on the floor, demolished desks, grabbed piles of stationery, receipt books or whatever objects lay within reach, looted the seamen's baggage room. The Examiner said the posse captured an "arsenal" of razors, axes, knives, clubs, along with piles of "inflammatory literature." At the point of guns, threatened by blackjacks, cursed "you red son of bitches," "get the dirty bastards"-men in the
TL;DR: In his maturity as the leading American philosopher of absolutism and idealism, Royce catalyzed the pragmatism of his Harvard colleague William James and hence promoted two main currents in American thought.
Abstract: Is it mere coincidence that Josiah Royce, America's preeminent philosopher of community, was also Josiah Royce, son of Forty-niners and a product of California's frontier institutions? In his maturity as the leading American philosopher of absolutism and idealism, Royce catalyzed the pragmatism of his Harvard colleague William James and hence promoted two main currents in American thought. Yet his philosophy has sometimes seemed far removed from his roots.2 However, by probing his rhetoric, his words, and his
TL;DR: The subsequent activities of the Allied occupation have been extensively studied, particularly since 1975 when authorities began declassifying the relevant documents stored in the national archives of both the United States and Japan as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: When Japan surrendered in September 1945 aboard the U.S.S. Missouri, General Douglas MacArthur recalled that his predecessor, Commodore Matthew Perry, had come to Japan in 1853 to inaugurate "an era of enlightenment and progress."' MacArthur's purpose was more specific: to destroy the military empire of Japan and replace it with an American style democratic nation. The subsequent activities of the Allied occupation have been extensively studied, particularly since 1975 when authorities began declassifying the relevant documents stored in the national archives of both the United States