Showing papers in "Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice in 2016"

Intelligence-Led Policing

Abstract: This paper is timely, given that policing is currently going through a period of significant change in both operational tactics and organisational structures. New ideas in crime reduction and changes to short- and long-term policing strategies are underway. Intelligence-led policing represents a recent approach and is one of the more prevalent of the current "shifts in crime control philosophy and policing practice" (Maguire 2000). Surprisingly, given the wide distribution of the term "intelligence-led policing", considerable confusion remains in regard to its actual meaning to both front-line officers and police management. This paper provides an introduction to intelligence-led policing and discusses some of the related limitations and opportunities. Adam Graycar Director Since the 1990s, "intelligence-led policing" (also known as intelligence-driven policing") has entered the lexicon of modern policing, especially in the UK and more recently Australia. Yet even with the ability of new ideas and innovation to spread throughout the policing world at the click of a mouse, there is still a lack of clarity among many in law enforcement as to what intelligence-led policing is, what it aims to achieve, and how it is supposed to operate. This can be seen in recent inspection reports of Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) in the UK (HMIC 2001, 2002), and in the lack of clarity regarding intelligence-led policing in the United States. A recent summit in March 2002 of over 120 criminal intelligence experts from across the US, funded by the US government and organised by the International Association of Chiefs of Police, may become a turning point in policing within the US. The participants called for a National Intelligence Plan, with one of the core recommendations being to "promote intelligence-led policing through a common understanding of criminal intelligence and its usefulness" (IACP 2002, p. v). The aspirations of the summit are considerable, but what is unclear from the summit report is a sound understanding of the aims of intelligence-led policing and its relationship to crime reduction. As intelligence-led policing is now a term in common usage within Australian law enforcement (a search of web pages and media releases found the term "intelligence-led" in all Australian police sites and the web site of the new Australian Crime Commission), it is timely to consider the origins of intelligence-led policing, the crime reduction levers it aims to pull, and the limitations and possibilities for this type of operational practice. Origins of Intelligence-led Policing Intelligence-led policing entered the police lexicon at some time around the early 1990s. As Gill (1998) has noted, the origins of intelligence-led policing are a little indistinct, but the earliest references to it originate in the UK where a seemingly inexorable rise in crime during the late 1980s and early 1990s coincided with increasing calls for police to be more effective and to be more cost-efficient. The driving forces for this move to a new strategy were both external and internal to policing. External drivers included an inability of the traditional, reactive model of policing to cope with the rapid changes in globalisation which have increased opportunities for transnational organised crime and removed physical and technological barriers across the policing domain. In the new "risk society" (Ericson & Haggerty 1997) the police were seen as the source of risk management data for a range of external institutions. With such an influence beyond the boundaries of law enforcement, it was never going to be long before the "new public management" drive to increase efficiency in public agencies reached the police. At the same time there was an internal recognition that changes were taking place in the dynamic relationship between the private security industry and the public police. …

The Reporting Experiences and Support Needs of Victims of Online Fraud

Abstract: Online fraud poses a substantial threat to the financial and overall wellbeing of Australians. An estimated $8m to $10m is sent overseas every month by Australians as a result of dishonest online invitations (Bradley 2013). The latest report of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC 2015) indicates that Australians reported the loss of almost $82m to consumer fraud in 2014; this estimate is based only on reports made to the ACCC and excludes reports made to other organisations and the many cases that are not officially reported. The Australian Institute of Criminology estimates fraud costs Australian victims in excess of $6b a year, and online fraud is responsible for a considerable proportion of this amount (Smith, Jorna, Sweeney & Fuller 2014). The present study explores the nature of these harms, victims' experiences of reporting to authorities, how victims deal with their fraud victimisation and what support they require to do so.Fraud involves tricking a victim into providing something of value to an offender such as money, personal details, or explicit images. The technological advances of recent years have seen opportunities and mechanisms for perpetrating fraud proliferate. The internet is one of the principal tools for committing consumer or personal fraud. It provides an efficient means of contacting potential victims, a rich source of personal information and a practical way of securing payments. Consequently, online fraud has developed considerably over the past two decades.Online fraud victimisation can be defined as 'the experience of an individual who has responded via the internet to a dishonest invitation, request, notification or offer by providing personal information or money [which] has led to the suffering of a financial or non-financial loss or impact of some kind' (Cross, Smith & Richards 2014:1).The studyThis study was undertaken to increase the understanding of both the reporting experiences of online fraud victims and their support needs, by conducting intensive interviews with a sample of individuals who reported their victimisation to the ACCC's Scamwatch website or hotline. It builds on previous studies examining the reporting and support needs of online fraud victims (see Cross et al. 2014). While there is a strong body of research in the United Kingdom examining online fraud victimisation (Button et al. 2009a, 2009b, 2009c), the present project is the first to examine online fraud victimisation specifically in an Australian context.The aims of the study were threefold:* to document the various impacts and harms experienced by online fraud victims;* to examine why some individuals choose to report online fraud to authorities; and* to determine how the support needs of these victims might best be met.In-depth, semi-structured, primarily face-to-face interviews were conducted with a self-selected group of 80 victims of online fraud who each reported losses of $10,000 or more to Scamwatch via the website or hotline between 1 July 2012 and 30 June 2014 (for Brisbane, Sydney and Melbourne) and between 1 January 2011 and 30 June 2014 (for Adelaide and Perth). Owing to the small number of complainants in the smaller jurisdictions of Tasmania, the ACT and the Northern Territory, these were not considered for interview. In addition to having reported a financial loss of $10,000 or more, participants had to:* be aged 18 years or older;* have indicated to the ACCC at the time of their report that they were willing to be contacted by the ACCC in future; and* be capable of providing informed consent to participate in the research.Victims were contacted by letter and/or email, provided with information about the study and asked to contact the first- or second-named author by phone or email if they wanted to take part or had questions about the research. Interviews were then scheduled for a mutually convenient time and location. …

Spam and criminal activity

Abstract: The internet's decentralised structure offers fast communication with a global reach, but also provides anonymity, a characteristic invaluable to the commission of illegal activities. Cybercrime has evolved rapidly in parallel with the spread of the internet and ecommerce. Unsolicited email, or spam, is the basis of many forms of cybercrime. One of the earliest online criminal partnerships formed was between malware authors and email spammers, who socially engineer emails to spread malware to computers and other digital devices; email remains one of the major vectors for the dissemination of malware. Unlike cybercrime that targets low-volume, high-value victims like banks and requires advanced hacking ability, spam allows malware to reach high-volume, low-value targets, which are less likely to have effective antivirus or other countermeasures in place. A typical example would be a malicious email containing content that entices the recipient to click on a URL link to a malicious website, or to download a malicious attachment.Deceptive, socially engineered email is relatively well understood, but less is known about advanced methods like 'spear phishing', or whether different forms of social engineering are related to different types of malware and crime. Cloaking methods that disguise malicious executable files as harmless Microsoft Word files, PDF or text documents are now common. These methods include, among others, manipulating the encoding method, applying fake double extensions in compressed form and mimicking URL shortening services to spread malicious files and links through the web. Understanding spam activity and the threat malicious spam poses-especially the prevalence, frequency, duration and severity of these common forms of cybercrime-is the key to prevention. States lack the capability to suppress spam and must rely on mutual interest, and a host of non-state actors, to perform tasks usually the province of law enforcement agencies.This research used real-world datasets from the Australian Communications Media Authority (ACMA) Spam Intelligence Database (SID) to describe the nature of, and trends in, spam-borne malware. A total of 13,450,555 spam emails were processed; of the 492,978 that had attachments, 21.4 percent were malicious, and 22.3 percent of the links in the 6,230,274 that contained a URL proved malicious. This paper argues that, because the IT security focus on perimeter protection is increasingly ineffective, crime prevention activities must refocus on the modus operandi of offenders and the vulnerabilities of victims.Malicious spam emailsThe number, type and sophistication of email threats to Australia are significant and evolving. Anyone with an email account is aware of the problem of spam. Spam takes many forms and has long been a focus of information security industry attention and international law enforcement concern (European Commission 2009; UNODC 2013). Legislation criminalising or limiting spam has been introduced in more than 30 countries (OECD 2006, 2004), but there is no internationally agreed definition of spam. The 2004 London Action Plan brings together 27 states and agencies (Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, Denmark, Finland, Hungary Ireland, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Malaysia, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Portugal, South Korea, Spain, Switzerland, Sweden, the United Kingdom and the United States); non-government agencies like Spamhaus Project and M3AAWG; telecommunications and information security companies like Verizon and McAfee; and corporate and consumer groups, to implement anti-spam activities (London Action Plan 2016) and further global cooperation and public/private partnerships to address spamrelated problems. Despite this international effort, spam remains a significant cost and risk (UNODC 2013). The Plan acts as a clearinghouse, establishes a contact point for spam-related problems such as online fraud, phishing and virus dissemination, and engages university and private sector researchers in anti-spam activities. …

Methamphetamine use and acquisitive crime: Evidence of a relationship

Abstract: Methamphetamine is a drug of concern in Australia, with availability and purity on the rise (ACC 2014). The Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission (ACIC; formerly Australian Crime Commission; ACC) has identified methamphetamine as presenting a risk to the Australian community in a number of ways, including through its link with engagement in property crime (2015). Recent data from the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program indicates methamphetamine use among police detainees has risen 23 percentage points, from 14 percent in 2009 to 37 percent in 2014 (Goldsmid & Brown 2015). If methamphetamine use is associated with an increased likelihood of engagement in property crimes, as the ACIC suggests, then a commensurate rise in property crime-at least among offender populations-can be anticipated. Identifying the factors and motivations that lead to methamphetamine-driven offending could assist law enforcement and government to predict and combat future crime trends.There is substantial empirical evidence of an association between illicit drug use and offending (Makkai & Payne 2003; Bennett & Holloway 2005; Best, Sidwell, Gossop, Harris & Strang 2001). Specifically, methamphetamine use has been associated with an increased risk of engagement in violent (Darke et al. 2009; Brecht & Herbeck 2013) and property offences (Gizzi & Gerkin 2010), although not all illicit drug users engage in crime (Morgan 2014).The current study aims to explore the relationship between methamphetamine use and offending, with a focus on offender populations as represented by people in police detention at the time of interview.Reliance on unconventional and illegal incomeThe economic model of crime suggests the likelihood of engaging in crime, especially property crime, increases with the increased frequency of substance abuse or addiction (White & Gorman 2000), probably due to the need for income to support illicit drug purchases. If this is the case, it could be expected that methamphetamine users would report a greater reliance on unconventional and illegal sources of income than non-users.Wilkins and Sweetsur (2010) provide some support for this assertion, reporting that the level of spending on amphetamines by a sample of New Zealand police detainees was positively associated with their reported earnings from property crime and drug dealing (examined separately)-that is, greater income from property crime and drug dealing corresponded with greater spending on amphetamines. Furthermore, an Australian study of police detainees found a higher rate of property offences was recorded for heavy amphetamine users at the time of arrest, compared with non-users and moderate users (Bradford & Payne 2012).Polydrug usePolydrug use is the concurrent or sequential use of multiple psychoactive substances (Wilkinson et al. 1987). Based on data derived from the English and Welsh Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring program, Bennett and Holloway (2005) reported the mean number of acquisitive offences reported by a detainee was positively associated with the number of different drug types the detainee had consumed in the past year. Polydrug users who used heroin, crack and cocaine and many other drug types had higher offending rates than heroin, crack and cocaine users who used fewer other drugs (Bennett & Holloway 2005). With high rates of polydrug use among methamphetamine users (Pennell, Ellett, Rienick & Grimes 1999; Gately et al 2012), it is important to tease out whether it is the use of a specific substance such as methamphetamine, or the combined use of multiple substances-perhaps as a marker of overall engagement with the illicit drug market-that is associated with engagement in acquisitive crime in a sample of Australian offenders.Causal nature of use/offending associationFour models have been proposed to explain drug use and offending associations. These are:* the 'drug-crime' model (where use of illicit drugs leads to engagement in crime to fund further illicit drug use);* the 'crime-drug' model (where criminal activity leads to engagement in illicit drug use);* the 'common-cause' model (where crime and drug use are not directly associated but instead related through a common sociological or psychological cause, such as delinquency or age); and* the 'coincidence model', which argues there is no causal association between drug use and crime (White & Gorman 2000). …

Study in prison reduces recidivism and welfare dependence: A case study from Western Australia 2005-2010

Abstract: Using a longitudinal dataset of prisoners in Western Australia, this paper describes the effectiveness of correctional education in improving post-release outcomes. The report shows that the more classes completed by prisoners the lower the rate of re-incarceration and the less likely they are to increase the seriousness of their offending. These, and other personal and societal benefits such as a reduction in welfare dependence, were positively associated with the number of classes prisoners successfully completed that is, the more classes the inmate successfully completes, the less likely they are to reoffend and to access unemployment benefits.

Non-Offending Parents as Secondary Victims of Child Sexual Assault

Abstract: Violence does not always only affect the primary victim. The consequences of violent crime can radiate out, affecting the victim's family, friends, colleagues, community and even, in some instances, wider society. This effect is referred to as vicarious or secondary victimisation (Christiansen, Bak & Elklit 2012; Cooney et al. 2011; Remer & Fergusson 1995). In other areas of research, secondary victimisation refers to the retraumatisation of the original victim-for example, through interactions with the criminal justice system or social stigma (Campbell & Raja 1999; Campbell et al. 2001). For the purposes of this research, however, secondary victims are defined as persons who, though not the primary victim of the crime, have suffered some form of vicarious trauma as a result (Fuller 2015a).Research on secondary victimisation has largely focused on the trauma experienced by psychologists, social workers and other individuals who work closely with victims of crime (for recent studies see Perron & Hiltz 2006; Salston & Figley 2003; Ullman & Townsend 2007). However, very little research has examined the impact of crime on the victim's family, friends and community. This is an important oversight, given the widespread acceptance of the central role of family and friends in supporting the primary victim (Aherns & Campbell 2000; Cyr et al. 2002; Godbout, Briere, Sabourin & Lussier 2014; Orchowski & Gidycz 2012; Foster 2014; Tremblay, Hebert & Piche 1999). Failing to recognise the impact an act of violence may have on these secondary victims limits our understanding of the efficacy of informal support offered to victims more generally. As Aherns and Campbell (2000: 960) noted: '[t]he ability to be supportive and avoid negative responses may be hampered if helpers are burdened by their own emotions.' Ensuring a victim of crime has adequate support should be one of the goals of any after-care program.Due to the nature of such offences and the vulnerabilities associated with their age, primary victims of child sexual assault (CSA) require considerable support post-incident. Nonoffending parents and other close family members can find themselves the main source of support while also dealing with their own feelings about the crime.This research examines two key aspects of secondary victimisation in this context. The first is how CSA impacts the parents of victims, focusing on their emotional responses to the sexual assault. The second is how these responses shape the way parents help their child cope with the sexual assault. This research uses qualitative information gathered as part of the Australian Institute of Criminology's (AIC) Database of Victimisation Experiences (DoVE) to examine the impact of CSA on a sample of 26 non-offending individual parents. The sample comprises both mothers and fathers of victims, and provides valuable insight into how crimes of this nature affect those closest to the victim.Informal support for victims of CSAThe experience of crime can present a serious challenge to an individual's sense of self and safety (Fuller 2015b; Janoff-Bulman 1985). In particular, the experience of violence has been linked to the development of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Betts, Williams, Najman & Alati 2013; Harrison & Kinnear 1998), mental health issues such as anxiety and depression (Coker et al. 2002; Cook, David & Grant 1999) and functional difficulties in intimate and social relationships, as well as other areas such as employment (Fuller 2015b; Hanson, Sawyer, Begle & Hubel 2010).Beitchman, Zucker, DaCosta and Akman's (1991) review of the literature found victims of CSA shared similar short-term responses to child victims of other types of violence, though some reactions were age-specific. Behavioural disturbances were less noticeable in preschoolers, although age-inappropriate sexual behaviour was common. Among adolescents, however, the behavioural and psychological disturbances associated with CSA tended to be more apparent. …

Digital forensics in the cloud era: the decline of passwords and the need for legal reform

Abstract: Online and cloud computing services are increasingly prevalent to the point where, for many people, they are integral to communication in their daily lives. From a criminal justice perspective, this makes them key sources of evidence for prosecuting both traditional and online crime (Quick, Martini & Choo 2014). However, the successful prosecution of individuals who commit crimes involving electronic evidence relies upon two major factors. The first is appropriately resourced law enforcement agencies and forensic practitioners who are able to collect, analyse and present the evidence (Quick and Choo 2014); the second is a legislative framework that facilitates the collection of evidence in the modern era, particularly where much of the relevant electronic evidence may be stored beyond the jurisdiction of the investigating law enforcement agency, and the nation's borders generally (Choo 2010, 2014). Given the relatively recent advent and changing face of cloud computing technologies, and their widespread use, it is important to discuss these factors when looking at the challenges of collecting evidence from cloud computing systems in the current statutory environment, and the technical challenges of authentication in forensic collection-particularly as cloud service providers continue to enhance the security of their services.This paper first discusses the various provisions for search and seizure of evidence available to Australian law enforcement agencies. It then focuses on the increasing emphasis placed on the security of online services in recent times and the effect this has had on authentication. Where digital forensics are used to collect evidence of a crime within a law enforcement agency's physical jurisdiction, it is common practice to take a physical bit-stream image of the storage in the devices to be forensically analysed. The methods used to collect this image do not generally require authentication, as the process requires physical control of the device. In the online environment users-and, generally, forensic practitioners-do not have physical access to the storage devices hosting their data.There is still a need, however, for a copy of the electronic evidence to be analysed and, ultimately, presented.It has become relatively common for forensic practitioners, particularly those outside the jurisdiction of the cloud service provider, to obtain copies of electronic evidence using similar technical means as the user (eg a client-visible application programming interface or API). There is some doubt as to the forensic soundness of this process, particularly in terms of the lack of preservation measurements such as cryptographic hashes (which act as a unique identifier) matching for the source and the forensic image (an identical duplicate of the data source), and the increased potential for contamination, depending on the software tools used. As such, the most appropriate means of undertaking such a collection remain undetermined.Regardless of the tools or methods used, most online services require authentication for every data access request. This relies on the practitioner gaining access to the user's credentials. These credentials have traditionally been a username and password, and law enforcement agencies have developed various methods, such as extracting them from application caches, to obtain them from suspects or their devices. As service providers improve the security of their services, however, there are fewer avenues available for collecting these credentials. This is at least in part due to the increase in tokenbased authentication systems in contemporary apps. A token-based system typically requires the user's credentials only once, at initial logon. These credentials are then used to obtain one or more tokens that are used for future authentication as required. This is discussed in greater detail in the Authentication systems section of this paper.To ensure law enforcement are able to maintain and, optimally, improve their current capabilities in evidence collection from online and cloud services, they must clearly understand the operation of contemporary authentication systems. …

Transition from prison for people with intellectual disability: a qualitative study of service professionals

Abstract: People with intellectual disability face a range of challenges on their release from prison due both to their own needs and the complexity of the service delivery system, which can make effective service delivery difficult. This difficulty is exacerbated by the sometimes combative nature of relationships between service providers. These issues could be addressed, at least in part, by improved training and stricter guidelines for those working in the sector. Representatives of disability and justice-related agencies in Queensland and Western Australia were interviewed for this research. The findings will be useful to policymakers and those who work in corrections, disability support and related sectors.

Responding to unruly airline passengers: the Australian context

Abstract: Over the last 10 years the frequency of airline travel in Australia has increased. In 2014, 33.1 million Australian passengers travelled internationally and almost double that amount-60.13 million passengers-travelled domestically (BURE 2015a; BURE 2015b). The majority of short-term international departures of Australian residents in 2013-14 were for holidays (60%), followed by visiting friends and relatives (23%), business (10%), and other reasons such as employment, education or attending conferences (7%; Australian Bureau of Statistics 2014).Airlines are regularly called on to respond to and manage unruly passenger incidents. The term ?unruly passenger' is used here to denote all passengers who, through their demeanour, behaviour or failure to comply with cabin crew directions, present a threat to the safety or security of the aircraft or those on board, but who are not engaged in an act of sabotage or terrorism. In June 2015, the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) held a roundtable discussion with representatives of the Australian Federal Police (AFP), regulatory and governing bodies, and five Australian airlines that provide international and/ or domestic services to metropolitan, regional and remote areas. The aim of the roundtable was to examine the nature and frequency of, and responses to, unruly passenger incidents in Australia. As the roundtable was focused on discussing industry-wide policy and practice relating to unruly passenger management, one executive-level representative with responsibility for safety and security from each industry stakeholder was Invited to attend.A representative of one of the major airlines estimated it dealt with approximately 30 unruly passenger incidents per month. Given the high volume of passengers transported every month, this is a small but consistent issue for the airline. The severity of these incidents varied; they included cases of onboard smoking, failure to comply with instructions, failure to fasten seatbelts, Intoxication, and offensive and disorderly conduct. Roundtable participants indicated disruptive and noncompliant passenger incidents were more common across the represented airlines than incidents involving aggression or violence.The current rate of unruly passenger incidents was reported to be lower than that of seven or eight years ago. Roundtable participants attributed this success to a suite of strategies implemented by the airlines, as well as the high level of collaboration across and between airlines, the police and regulatory bodies. However, roundtable participants reported a number of knowledge gaps and issues that, if addressed, may further reduce the rate of unruly passenger incidents, with related safety and security implications.The nature of unruly passenger incidentsOther than the classified internal reporting and review conducted by airlines, there is limited publicly available research examining Australian incidents of unruly passengers. However, there has been much international research on responding to and managing air-rage incidents. Definitions of air rage vary slightly between studies, but it is generally used as an umbrella term to describe any behaviour on an aircraft that interferes with cabin crew in the conduct of their duties, disrupts the aircraft's safe operation or risks the safety of those on board, excluding premeditated acts of sabotage or terrorism (Anglin et al. 2003; Schaaf 2001). The term air rage covers the types of unruly passenger incidents discussed by Australian airlines at the roundtable; thus, findings from air-rage research may inform the discussion of Australian unruly passenger incidents.A study from the United States found the factors that contribute to the likelihood of an air-rage incident can be gathered into three groups:* the first group is passenger-related factors such as mental health, personality or substance use;* the second group is environmental factors such as temperature, physical confinement or the activities of the crew or other passengers; and* the third group is airport or carrier factors such as poor service by ground staff or cabin baggage restrictions (Pierson et al. …

Self-inflicted deaths in Australian prisons

Abstract: Reducing the rate of self-inflicted deaths in prison has long been a priority for correctional agencies across Australia and internationally. The rate of self-inflicted deaths in the prison population greatly exceeds that of self-inflicted deaths in the community; prisoners represent a particularly vulnerable and high-risk group for suicide. This paper updates Dalton's (1999) national overview of self-inflicted deaths, which analysed data from the Australian Institute of Criminology's (AIC) National Deaths in Custody Program (NDICP) for the period 1980-1998. The current paper analyses data for the period 1999-2013, allowing changes in the prevalence and nature of prison suicides to be examined over a 34-year period.International research shows prison inmates have a higher rate of suicide than their counterparts in the general community, with prison suicide rates typically three to five times those of the general community (Corben 2006; Fazel et al. 2011; Jenkins et al. 2005; Johnston 1991; WHO 2007; Wobeser et al. 2002). Offenders enter the prison system with more risk factors for suicide than those that apply to members of the general community (Konrad et al. 2007; Larney et al. 2012), and remain at elevated risk of suicide following their release (Daigle & Naud 2012; Pratt et al. 2006).Studies examining risk factors for self-inflicted deaths in prisons have found many prisoners who suicided entered the prison system with histories of prior suicide attempts (Fazel et al. 2008; WHO 2007).Across all Australian prisons, 16 percent of those entering prison report intentionally having harmed themselves, while 11 percent had thought of harming themselves in the preceding 12 months (AIHW 2012). Both histories of actual self-harm and thoughts of self-harm were more common among female than male prison entrants, and among non-Indigenous than Indigenous prison entrants (AIHW 2012). A New Zealand study found broadly comparable results, with lower proportions of Maori than European prisoners experiencing thoughts of suicide; Maori prisoners who attempted suicide were, however, more likely to be successful (Simpson 2012).A study of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts in a NSW prison found 34 percent of inmates reported lifetime suicidal ideation and 21 percent had attempted suicide (Larney et al. 2012). Among prisoners in this NSW study who attempted suicide, 58 percent reported a lifetime history of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts. Another NSW study found 68 percent of subjects had a documented history of intentional self-harm (O'Driscoll, Samuels & Zacka 2007), while in South Australia 40 percent of prisoners who suicided had a documented history of previous attempts (Austin, van den Heuvel & Byard 2014). A study in Western Australian prisons found a little over half of all prisoners (56.4% female and 47.3% male) had contemplated suicide at some point in their life (Fleming, Gately & Kraemer 2012). Some 39.5 percent of females had previously attempted suicide, while the same was true for 29.6 percent of males. Female prisoners tended to report their suicidal thoughts had increased while in custody, while males reported a decrease in suicidal thoughts (Fleming, Gately & Kraemer 2012).A similar pattern has been seen overseas. Some 82 percent of prisoners in the UK who suicided had a history of self-harm and suicide attempts while in custody (Shaw, Appleby & Baker 2003). A Dutch prison study found 54 percent of suicide victims in their sample had a history of attempted suicide, including in the community (Blaauw, Kerkhov & Hayes 2005).It is apparent that the life experiences of prisoners, including the experience of imprisonment, increase the risk of suicide both in and out of prison. A study of over 40,000 people released from Queensland prisons found that released women were 14.2 times, and released men 4.8 times, more likely to die from suicide than the general population (Spittal et al. …

Migrating for work and study: the role of the migration broker in facilitating workplace exploitation, human trafficking and slavery

Abstract: Migration often involves the services of intermediaries who coordinate and facilitate paperwork, visas and job and education placements in destination countries. These intermediaries are commonly referred to, in both the Australian and international literature, as migrant brokers (Lindquist, Xiang & Yeoh 2012; McKeown 2012), labour brokers (Verite 2010), recruitment agents or agencies, employment agencies, or simply agents or brokers (David 2010; Lindquist 2012; UNODC 2008). These different terms reflect variations in the practices and structures of the people and businesses that perform these functions, and the context in which they are provided. However, these terms are rarely defined (UNODC 2012), which makes it difficult to establish a coherent understanding of the mechanisms people use to migrate and associated risks.The Australian Institute of Criminology's (AIC's) Human Trafficking and Slavery Research Program has previously highlighted the role migration intermediaries may play in facilitating human trafficking and the related exploitation of migrants in Australia and the Asia-Pacific region (Andrevski & Lyneham 2014; David 2010; Simmons et al. 2013), specifically by arranging or contributing to debt bondage, servitude, forced labour and other forms of exploitative labour. However, there has as yet been no comprehensive examination of their roles in either the Australian or the international literature. To fill this gap this paper reviews existing information on the links between migration brokers and human trafficking, slavery and slavery-like practices, and examines how these relate to pathways for migration to Australia and temporary migrants' experiences of exploitation.Research questions and scopeIn this paper the term migration broker is used to describe those who facilitate the migration of an individual for a fee by:* submitting and organising migration paperwork or travel on the migrant's behalf; and/or* referring a migrant to, or providing information to a migrant about, a visa sponsor (employer or individual) or entity otherwise relevant to migration (such as an employer, education provider or another broker). This may include facilitating a job placement or education enrolment.The following research questions were posed:* What type of migration brokers are used by people migrating to Australia?* Do specific trends or typologies relating to the role of migration brokers emerge from alleged or finalised cases of migrant exploitation in Australia?This study serves as a preliminary scope of the issue and therefore relies on open-source material and the academic literature. This paper focuses on the intermediaries who assist in arranging temporary visas for work or study and the role they may play in facilitating the debt bondage, slavery, servitude or forced labour of a migrant. It does not address the role of brokers who facilitate overseas marriages, organ transplants or adoptions.Common migration-brokerage pathwaysAlthough no major transnational migration corridor traverses Oceania, Australia still plays a substantial role in global migration trends, ranking ninth of the ten countries with the most international migrants in the world (UN 2013). Temporary migration forms an important part of Australia's migration infrastructure. At 31 December 2015, there were 159,910 Temporary Work (Skilled) subclass 457 visa holders, 155,180 Working Holiday Marker (subclasses 417 and 462) visa holders and 328,130 student visa holders (DIBP 2016). These numbers include both primary and secondary visa holders.Onshore migration brokersUnder Australian Commonwealth, state and territory law, the following professions and sectors in Australia may provide immigration assistance, enrolment in study, and/or workplace recruitment and placement services to potential and current migrants:* migration agents;* education agents;* private recruitment agencies; and* labour hire firms. …

Drug use monitoring in Australia: an expansion into the Pilbara

Abstract: The relationship between alcohol, illicit drugs and offending is complex and dynamic. Substance misuse both nationally and internationally has been found to be prevalent in detained populations (Bennett & Holloway 2007; Pernanen, Cousineau, Brochu & Sun 2002; Sweeney & Payne 2012). With the cost of crime in Australia estimated to be $36 billion per annum (AIC 2009), it is important to establish some of the links that, if addressed, may reduce the level of commissions of crime and increase the wellbeing of Australians.The drug/crime nexus refers to the relationship between drug misuse and criminal behaviour (Bennett & Holloway 2007). Goldstein's (1985) tripartite model has been used to explain the drug/crime nexus, as well as the interaction between key players in the illicit drug market. The model incorporated three main types of crime-psychopharmacological crime, economic-compulsive crime and systemic violent crime (Goldstein 1985).The psychopharmacological model suggests antisocial and criminal behaviour occurs as a result of intoxication; the economic-compulsive model suggests crime occurs as a result of the need to support a drug habit; and the systemic model explains crime through engagement in drug markets such as the use or supply of illicit substances (Goldstein 1985; Pernanen, Cousineau, Brochu & Sun 2002). Boyum and Kleinman (2003) supported these three main links between crime and drug use, indicating that behaviour is affected initially by intoxication-usually from drug use. Intoxication can then be linked to the type of criminal behaviour that occurs from the weakening of self-control, inhibitions and foresight. These effects spill over and impair behaviour.Second, drug use can increase the need to obtain money to finance illicit drugs and/ or to pay off drug debts, usually by theft and other immediate methods of gaining cash. Therefore, regular or dependent illicit drug users may commit crime to obtain money and property to buy illicit drugs, particularly in times of diminished ability to sustain regular employment (Boyum & Kleinman 2003). The third component relates to the involvement of the illicit drug market and the potential for violence to occur between buyers and sellers.However, these models do not occur in isolation and can overlap: crime can occur both as a result of intoxication and from a need to support a drug habit (Collins & Lapsley 2008). When outlining strategies for dealing with the 'war on drugs', government agencies refer to and utilise this drug/crime nexus. From this, three general phases in drug policies have emerged-supply reduction, demand reduction and, more recently, harm reduction. These strategies rely on timely and empirical research such as data supplied by the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) project.The DUMA program regularly collects data on the drug/crime nexus and is the only national research strategy aimed at exploring the interconnections between drugs and offending behaviour among detainees. The East Perth watch house in Western Australia was selected as an inaugural DUMA data collection site with data collected since 1999. This has provided invaluable data for police and other stakeholders in Western Australia on the detained population for more than 15 years. However, little is known about the drug/crime nexus in regional sites. In this paper, the findings are presented of a trial of the DUMA program in a new non-metropolitan site to develop a better understanding of 'drug-related' crime and its perpetrators in regional Western Australia.Regional Western AustraliaDemographicsWestern Australia has a population of more than 2.2 million people. The population is spread over a vast area; however, more than 1.7 million people live in Greater Perth, with just more than 500,000 living in the rest of Western Australia (ABS 2013). People of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (ATSI) descent constitute 3. …

The Relationship between Age and Consumer Fraud Victimisation

Abstract: Seventy-two year old Paul from rural Australia, devastated by the death of his wife, used an online dating website to find companionship and met a woman named Selina, from Ghana. They struck up a relationship. One day Paul received a phone call from a man claiming to be Selina's brother. The man told Paul that Selina had been hit by a car and had suffered a brain haemorrhage and asked Paul for $1,200 to cover the costs of the operation. The contact continued for months and the fraudsters used Paul's perceived relationship with Selina to convince him to help her village through the financing of gold refining and butter processing. Paul sent over $200,000 over several months (News. com.au 2009).Consumer fraud, also known as personal fraud, has been defined as a type of fraud that involves communication between an individual victim and an offender, involving 'deliberate deception of the victim with the promise of goods, services or other benefits that are non-existent, unnecessary, were never intended to be provided, or were grossly misrepresented' (Titus & Gover 2001:2). As the example above demonstrates, the ramifications of fraud can be devastating both financially and emotionally.Fraudsters use a wide range of communication methods to commit consumer fraud (Budd & Anderson 2011). While in the past fraudulent invitations were primarily sent through postal services or made face-to-face, the digital age has seen an increase in the use of electronic devices such as computers and mobile phones to deliver consumer fraud invitations to people of all ages (Reyns 2013; Reisig & Holtfreter 2013). Fraud methods are continually adapted to advancing technologies and emerging trends in computer use, challenging authorities and fraud-prevention agencies to develop effective responses to the problem.Keeping up with developments in online fraud activity will continue to be a key concern for authorities, given the widespread assumption that consumer fraud is likely to increase with greater advances in technology (Holtfreter, van Slyke & Blomberg 2005). Given this, it is important to fully understand the risks and protective factors that mediate an individual's likelihood of victimisation.One such factor identified in the literature relates to the consumer fraud vulnerabilities associated with age (Fischer, Lea & Evans 2013). This paper explores the risk of consumer fraud victimisation at different ages, with the aim of identifying particular points for intervention.The relationship between age and consumer fraudDrawing on Cohen and Felson's (1979) routine activity theory, Pratt, Holtfreter and Reisig (2010) argue that advances in technology and the daily use of the internet for shopping, work and communication constitute a structural change in everyday routine that may bring people into more frequent contact with motivated fraud offenders. This risk is exacerbated by the absence of effective guardianship in the online world which might prevent fraud from occurring. With more daily activities like banking, shopping and socialising conducted via the internet it is important to understand how this impacts the risks of fraud victimisation associated with different ages and stages of life.Previous research has identified two potential age-related risk factors for fraud victimisation: younger people may be at more risk of consumer fraud because they use a wide range of technologies (Titus, Heinzelmann & Boyle 1995), while some older people may be at greater risk because they are seen as attractive targets with potential access to life savings (Cohen 2006) who may suffer impaired decision-making due to ageing (Scheibe et al. 2014).Reisig and Holtfreter (2013) note that, while a reliable demographic profile of victims has not been observed in prior studies, those aged over 60 were particularly vulnerable to consumer fraud. The authors caution that some research focuses on types of consumer fraud that typically affect older people, thereby biasing the results. …

Use and acceptance of biometric technologies among victims of identity crime and misuse in Australia

Abstract: Biometric technologies use an individual's unique physiological or behavioural attributes to identify that individual (Unar, Seng & Abbasi 2014). Biometric technologies are diverse; some of the more common biometrics include fingerprint matching, facial imaging, signature recognition, retina and iris recognition and voice recognition. Other less widely used techniques include body-odour authentication (Gibbs 2010), gait recognition (Di Nardo 2008), ear geometry, vein-pattern analysis, and keystroke dynamics (Biometrics Institute; ALRC 2008). A recent survey of Biometrics Institute members found the technologies expected to dominate in the years ahead are fingerprint recognition (27%), facial recognition (24%), voice recognition (7%) and iris recognition (6%), with 22 percent of respondents anticipating that multi-modal approaches combining various biometrics would prevail in the future (Biometrics Institute 2015).Biometric technologies are already used by a range of organisations in Australia to verify the identities of those they deal with. For example, the Department of Immigration and Border Protection (DIBP) collects biometric information, including fingerprints and facial images, from offshore visa and onshore protection visa applicants, immigration detainees and certain categories of airline passengers (DIBP 2013; Wilson 2007). Australian airports have facial recognition capabilities, known as SmartGates, that enable travellers from Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, Singapore and the United States who hold ePassports to process themselves rather than undergoing the usual customs and Immigration checks conducted by Australian Border Force officers (ACBPS 2014).In addition to their use at airports or in the immigration and border protection context, biometrics are used to verify an individual's identity in a range of other settings. A number of Australian banks, for example, have introduced biometric technologies that allow banking customers to log on to mobile banking services using their fingerprints or voices (Head 2014a; Head 2014b; Bank of Melbourne 2014; Westpac 2015) instead of passwords.Mobile phone companies have also increasingly adopted biometric technologies to allow users to log on to their mobile devices, releasing phones and/or tablets that owners can log on to by scanning their fingerprints (Phonegg 2014).Previous research into user acceptance of biometric technologiesThe successful implementation of biometric systems is heavily dependent on the degree to which those using the systems are willing to accept the technology. As the United Kingdom Biometrics Working Group (2002: 7) argued: '[U]ser attitude can make or break the implementation of a biometric system.' Some people may find the process of providing personal information in public distasteful; this was one reason given for the reluctance of retailers to make use of a cheque-fraud prevention initiative that required customers to leave their fingerprint on cheques before they would be accepted by retailers (see Pidco 1996). Similarly, users may associate fingerprints with policing and criminality, and feel reluctant to use fingerprinting systems. Others may believe systems that scan irises or retinas may harm their eyes, despite clear evidence to the contrary. Accordingly, there is a need to educate users on why the system has been introduced and how it might benefit them. User concerns relating to the privacy and security of stored data must also be addressed, although emerging technologies such as biocryptography (Xi & Hu 2010) and cancellable fingerprint templates (Ahmad, Hu & Wang 2011 ; Rathgeb & Uhl 2011) have been proposed and are currently being developed in an effort to allay these concerns in future.Research on public attitudes toward the use of biometric technologies has found that, while many Australians are comfortable with the use of these technologies for security purposes and to verify access to government services, there is much greater apprehension around the use of biometrics for marketing purposes, accessing public transport or enrolling in educational courses. …

Assessing the utility of Project STOP in reducing pseudoephedrine diversion to clandestine laboratories

Abstract: Evaluates the utility of Project STOP in reducing the diversion of PSE-based products to clan labs. Foreword Project STOP, an online database in which pharmacists record sales of pseudoephedrine (PSE)-based medication, was implemented in 2005 to aid in reducing the diversion of PSE-based products for use as precursors in the domestic manufacture of methamphetamine. Australian evaluations of regulations governing the sale of PSE-based medications and the impact of Project STOP have so far been limited. This research explores the impact of the mandatory recording of PSE-based medication sales on PSE diversion and clan lab detection in Queensland. The findings show that Project STOP has demonstrated its utility for pharmacists in determining the legitimacy of requests for PSE-based medication, with 95 percent of Queensland pharmacies currently using it. When used consistently and appropriately, Project STOP reduces the amount of PSE-based medication leaving pharmacies for methamphetamine production. The research also highlights the challenges of attempting to curtail methamphetamine production in Australia and suggests new directions for research to better address these.

Procedural impediments to effective unexplained wealth legislation in Australia

Abstract: Unexplained wealth laws are a relatively new approach to the confiscation of proceeds of crime and provide a way of securing assets that cannot be recovered using conventional conviction-based legislative means. Unlike traditional approaches to confiscation, the state need not prove the property owner has committed a criminal offence. In addition, the burden of proof is reversed, with the property owner bearing the onus of proving the property was acquired legitimately. Unexplained wealth laws are designed for circumstances in which it is difficult to target senior figures in criminal organisations who do not actually commit crimes themselves, but who play a key role in planning, financing and directing significant criminal operations. Unexplained wealth laws exist in only a small number of countries including Australia, Ireland and Columbia, with variants also operating in the United Kingdom, Italy, France and Canada (Booz Allen Hamilton 2012).Australia's first unexplained wealth laws were introduced in Western Australia in 2000. By 2014, all Australian jurisdictions except the Australian Capital Territory had introduced such laws. Australia's unexplained wealth laws have been criticised by civil rights organisations and some legal academics, who have raised concerns about the reversal of the burden of proof and questioned the need for the laws, including whether the relatively small amounts currently being recovered are sufficient to outweigh counter-arguments (Croke 2010).The Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) reviewed existing Australian legislation when unexplained wealth laws were enacted at the Commonwealth level in 2010 (Bartels 2010a, 2010b). More recently Australian academics, in collaboration with practitioners, have analysed Australian criminal asset recovery systems and discussed unexplained wealth laws (see, for example, Goldsmith, Gray & Smith 2014).This researchIn 2014, the AIC undertook research to identify the barriers to obtaining successful unexplained wealth orders in Australia and explore how these could be addressed. Representatives of agencies involved with unexplained wealth orders throughout Australia, including police, crime commissions, government legal offices and associated Commonwealth entities such as the Australian Taxation Office, were interviewed. The issues discussed included how respondents were identified, how investigations were conducted, the value of assets recovered, the issues contributing to success or failure, case settlement, and interagency and international cooperation. In addition, legislation, case law, government reports and academic literature were analysed. The researchers were not, however, able to review case files due to the sensitive nature of unexplained wealth investigations. The research was funded by the Criminology Research Grants Program and approved by an Institutional Human Research Ethics Committee (AIC PO-215).Current legislative regimesWestern AustraliaThe Criminal Property Confiscation Act 2000 (WA) facilitates the confiscation of proceeds of crime in Western Australia. Western Australia was the first Australian jurisdiction to enact unexplained wealth provisions in 2000. Western Australia Police investigate unexplained wealth cases and the Director of Public Prosecutions applies to the Supreme Court of Western Australia for an unexplained wealth declaration if it is considered more likely than not that a person's total wealth is greater than the value of their lawfully acquired wealth. It is not necessary to demonstrate reasonable grounds to suspect that the person committed an offence to apply for an unexplained wealth declaration.Under the WA provisions the respondent bears the onus of proof, and their entire wealth is presumed to be unlawfully acquired unless they can establish otherwise. In this jurisdiction the court has limited discretion when making an unexplained wealth declaration; one must be made if it is more likely than not that the respondent's total wealth is greater than their legally acquired wealth. …

Prisoner-on-prisoner homicides in Australia: 1980 to 2011

Abstract: Homicides that occur in prison receive considerable media and public attention; those where both victim and offender are prisoners often raise important questions about the adequacy of supervision in custodial environments. Porporino observed that:As violent prison incidents are sensationalized in the media, the public's confidence in the effectiveness of the correctional system is eroded (1986: 213).In Australia, every homicide in prison custody is subjected to internal review, a police investigation and a mandatory coronial inquest, and monitored by the Australian Institute of Criminology's (AIC) National Deaths in Custody Program (NDICP) and National Homicide Monitoring Program (NHMP). In some cases the incident may also be investigated by the relevant state ombudsman (Victorian Ombudsman 2012).International researchThe subject of prisoner-on-prisoner homicide has received considerable attention from penologists, particularly in the United States. The US Department of Justice's Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) coordinates the Deaths in Custody Reporting Program (DCRP), a program similar to the AIC's NDICP, established in 2000 under the US Death in Custody Reporting Act of the same year. In 2005 the BJS reported that between 1980 and 2002 the homicide rate in US state prisons fell 93 percent, from 54 per 100,000 prisoners in 1980 to eight per 100,000 prisoners in 2002 (Mumola 2005). It also found 67 percent of homicide victims in state prisons had served at least two years and 37 percent had served five years, and that violent offenders were victims in 61 percent of incidents (Mumola 2005). While Mumola's (2005) study did not include information on perpetrators' history of violence, an earlier study by Sattar (2004) found perpetrators of prisoner-on-prisoner homicide were more likely to have violent criminal histories than their victims.A more recent statistical update showed that between 2001 and 2010 the homicide rate in US state prisons remained stable at between three and five homicides per 100,000 prisoners each year, with homicides representing approximately 1.7 percent of all deaths in state prisons (Noonan 2012). Finally, with regard to the temporal characteristics and location of homicides in US state prisons, it was found incidents occurred most frequently between 6.00 am and midday, and least frequently between midnight and 6.00 am, and '[t]he victim's cell or room was the most frequent location' (Oklahoma Department of Corrections 2009: 1).Analysis of data from England and Wales produced similar findings; between 1990 and 2001 there were 26 prisoner-on-prisoner homicides in England and Wales, representing two percent of all deaths in prison during that period (Sattar 2004). Detailed analysis of these incidents showed that:* 54 percent (n=14) occurred in the victim's cell;* 81 percent (n=21) of victims were sentenced;* 54 percent of victims were in custody for a violent offence; and* the most common motive was an 'altercation' (27%, n=7; Sattar 2004).It was concluded that 'victims were more likely to be young...male repeat offenders, serving sentences for violence' (Sattar 2004: 4).Research conducted by Porporino into the Canadian federal prison system found that 'the seriousness of the offence for which the inmate is serving time is unrelated to the risk of involvement in violent prison incidents' (1986: 222). Porporino also tested the hypothesis that offenders serving life sentences (commonly for murder) would have a greater propensity for violence in prison. Based on analysis of 8,278 violent incidents between 1980 and 1984 in Canadian federal prisons, it was shown that 'inmates serving the shortest sentences (less than two years) are by far the most active (ie show the greatest risk for involvement in prison violence)' (Porporino 1986: 220). The study did not clarify whether these inmates were more likely to be perpetrators or victims of violence, or both. …

Recidivism among prisoners: who comes back?

Abstract: This study examined recidivism in an Australian correctional population. Three different groups of offenders were identified from their recidivism profiles: low-risk or slow recidivists, moderate-risk or delayed recidivists, and high-risk or rapid recidivists. Slow recidivists were more likely to be younger Indigenous men, with a history of both drug use and parole suspension or cancellation. Delayed recidivists were more likely to be younger non-Indigenous women serving shorter sentences. Rapid recidivists were differentiated only by being more likely to serve shorter sentences. Data were drawn from the Queensland Corrective Services Integrated Offender Management System. The findings will be useful to policymakers and practitioners working in corrections and related fields.

Homicide and the night-time economy

Abstract: The relationship between the consumption of alcohol and a range of violent crimes, including homicide, is overwhelmingly acknowledged by criminologists. Less is known about the specifics of this relationship in particular, whether the worst alcohol-related violence occurs in private, or in public settings such as Australia's expanding night-time leisure areas. This study finds no evidence of a substantial concentration of homicides in specific night-time leisure areas. Homicides are, however, both directly and indirectly related to the night-time economy, with indirectly related incidents outweighing others. This finding affirms the need to persist with strategies to limit intoxication associated with night-time leisure, and further explore ways to control the sale of and access to alcohol in the general community.

The nature of risk during interactions between the police and intoxicated offenders

Abstract: Police officers spend between eight and 25 percent of their time responding to alcohol and other drug- (AOD) related primary incidents (see Donnelly et al. 2007; Palk, Davey & Freeman 2007). Intoxication itself is not a criminal offence in Australia. AOD-related police call-outs are incidents in which AOD use was a causal factor or events where intoxicated persons are present, such as intoxication in a public place. Police who attend AODrelated incidents may be required to interact with, control and manage intoxicated people. Officers also have a responsibility to ensure the safety of intoxicated individuals and others present. So common is this issue that 41 percent of adult police detainees interviewed by the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program in 2013-14 reported consuming alcohol in the 48 hours prior to arrest, with an average consumption of 19 standard drinks (Coghlan et al. 2015). In addition, 46 percent of police detainees tested positive via urinalysis for cannabis, 37 percent for amphetamines, 24 percent for benzodiazepines and eight percent for heroin. While this does not mean all police detainees who tested positive were intoxicated, it does indicate the police were required to manage intoxication- and withdrawal-related risks for a considerable proportion of police detainees.All interactions between police officers and offenders involve an element of danger. However, intoxicated offenders pose additional threats to the safety of officers, bystanders and themselves. AOD intoxication can affect the health and behaviour of the offender and increase their risk of aggression or physical health complications. Officers must therefore understand how intoxicationrelated risks manifest and change during an interaction, to ensure the responses and strategies implemented are appropriate, effective and minimise the risk of harm.This study explored this issue using data from the AlC's National Deaths in Custody Program (NDICP). A sample of deaths-in-custody cases were examined, along with any accompanying coronial recommendations, to identify the characteristics of incidents involving intoxicated individuals in police custody.The study aimed to determine how intoxication influences the nature and magnitude of risk associated with police officer/offender interactions. This research formed part of a wider project that examined police best practice in responding to individuals affected by alcohol and other drugs (for the full report see Fuller, Goldsmid & Brown forthcoming). For consistency, those involved in interactions with police are referred to in this paper as offenders; however, they may not have been convicted of the alleged crime that precipitated the police interaction.The effects of AOD use and intoxicationIntoxication can be defined as a condition that follows the administration of alcohol or a drug that 'results in disturbances in the level of consciousness, cognition, perception, judgement, affect or behaviour or other psychophysiological functions and responses' (World Health Organisation [WHO] 2014). This is a broad application of the WHO's (2014) definition of acute intoxication by psychoactive substances. Implicit in this definition is the idea that intoxication can lead to increased levels of risk for the individual and those around them. Specifically, risks may stem from disturbances to consciousness, perception and judgement; the individual might not be fully cognisant of their surroundings or in full mental or physical control of their actions.Alcohol is a depressant that slows down and suppresses the functions of the central nervous system. Drugs like heroin, cannabis and benzodiazepines are also depressants, while cocaine, amphetamines and MDMA (ecstasy) are stimulants. Stimulants hasten messages from the brain to the body and result in the user feeling more alert, awake, confident or energetic (Australian Drug Foundation [ADF] 2014). Health complications can arise even at low levels of intoxication. …