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Immigration in the Supreme Court, 2009-13: A New Era of Immigration Law Unexceptionalism

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TLDR
For example, the authors analyzes the Supreme Court's immigration decisions from 2009 to the present and concludes that the Court in effect has to a large extent continued to bring U.S. immigration law into the legal mainstream, which is consistent with its efforts over more than a decade to interpret the immigration laws to avoid deciding serious constitutional questions.
Abstract
With appropriate caution necessitated by the lessons of recent history, this Article posits that the Supreme Court’s contemporary immigration decisions suggest that the plenary power doctrine, the foundation of immigration exceptionalism, is again headed toward its ultimate demise. To test that thesis, this Article carefully scrutinizes the Supreme Court’s immigration decisions, as well as some other actions, such as certiorari denials in significant immigration cases, from 2009 to the present. This period coincides with the first five years of the Obama presidency, which has been a time during which the Executive Branch has seldomly relied on the plenary power doctrine in arguments to the Court. The review of Supreme Court decisions reveals that, even though the Court now reviews considerably fewer cases than it once did, immigration matters regularly comprise a bread-and-butter part of its docket. Indeed the Court decided five immigration-related merits cases in one Term, an extraordinarily large number for a specialty substantive area of law. The fact that the Court frequently exercises its discretion to accept immigration cases for review suggests that the Justices – like the nation as a whole – consider immigration to be an important, at times contentious, national issue worthy of attention, raising many questions that go to the core of the modern administrative state. In light of the controversy surrounding some of the cases that have come before it, most notably the much-publicized constitutional challenge to Arizona’s SB 1070 and state and local efforts to push the federal government to more vigorously enforce the U.S. immigration laws, the Court could hardly help but be aware of that plain and simple truth.What is perhaps most noteworthy from the review of immigration decisions of the Supreme Court of the last five Terms is that a conservative Court characterized as ideologically driven by some observers consistently has not taken an extreme approach to immigration law and its enforcement. The Roberts Court’s body of immigration decisions indeed is firmly and comfortably within the jurisprudential mainstream of its decisions in other areas of substantive law. The Court has applied ordinary, standard, and routine legal doctrines for the most part in ordinary, standard, and routine ways.Analyzing the body of immigration decisions of the Supreme Court under the leadership of Chief Justice John Roberts in the 2009-13 Terms, this Article concludes that the Court in effect has to a large extent continued to bring U.S. immigration law into the legal mainstream. It has interpreted statutes to avoid constitutional questions and avoided invoking the plenary power doctrine to shield vulnerable statutes from judicial review. Although not yet eliminating the doctrine, the Court has slowly but surely moved away from anything that might reasonably be characterized as immigration exceptionalism. The undeniable trend in the Court’s immigration jurisprudence is entirely consistent with its efforts over more than a decade to, whenever possible, interpret the immigration laws to avoid deciding serious constitutional questions, and find creative ways to ensure judicial review of removal orders in the face of stringent congressional restrictions that some might reasonably read as purporting to wholly eliminate judicial review. In applying the U.S. immigration laws, both conservative and liberal Supreme Court Justices look first to the text of the Immigration and Nationality Act and spend considerable time debating the proper interpretation of the (often complex) statutory provision in question. In addition, the Justices occasionally differ about the application of conventional legal doctrines to immigration cases, but rarely debate whether generally applicable doctrines should apply to immigration cases.

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Immigration and Civil Rights: Is the 'New' Birmingham the Same as the 'Old' Birmingham?

Abstract: This paper was prepared for the William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal’s 2012 immigration symposium on “Non-Citizen Participation in the National Polity.” In the past few years, state legislatures have passed immigration enforcement laws at breakneck speed. The architect of many of the state immigration enforcement laws, Kris Kobach, has stated that their aim is to encourage undocumented immigrants to “self-deport” by making their everyday lives as difficult as possible. In 2011, Alabama, a state considered by some to be the heart and soul of Dixie, entered the national immigration debate, which surprised many Americans given that the state is not ordinarily thought of as home to many immigrants. The Alabama legislature did not enact any ordinary law but passed what some, including its supporters, claimed was the toughest state immigration enforcement law of them all. The Beason-Hammon Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, or H.B. 56, built on Arizona’s controversial S.B. 1070 but goes much further in its efforts to encourage self-deportation, including by directly and indirectly limiting access of undocumented students to public education.This article analyzes Alabama’s foray into immigration enforcement. It looks at H.B. 56 with the basic understanding that the enforcement of immigration laws implicate the civil rights of immigrants and U.S. citizens. Part I of this Article places the events leading to the passage of H.B. 56 into their proper historical context. Part II generally considers the possible civil rights consequences of the law on immigrants and Latino/as. Part III specifically focuses on Alabama’s efforts to limit access to education -- with, as in the days of Jim Crow, ensuring educational access central to the struggle of outsiders for fundamental civil rights and full membership in American society. In analyzing Alabama’s H.B. 56, this Article identifies various social and legal parallels between the state immigration enforcement laws and the racial caste system of the Jim Crow South. It contends that race, class, and caste, with significant social and economic (labor market) aspects, are integral to both episodes in U.S. history. In both instances, supporters of the caste system invoked a claim of states’ rights, or their equivalents, in the defense of state-sanctioned discrimination. Both then and now, access to education is ground zero for the two civil rights movements.Supporters of state intervention often claim that they merely want to promote obedience to the rule of the law, frequently combined with the exaggerated and unproven accusation that the federal government has “failed” to enforce the immigration laws. This Article looks deeply into, and beyond, this simplistic characterization to analyze how the current debates over immigration and immigration enforcement implicate the fundamental civil rights of residents of the United States and, specifically, the quest by Latina/os and immigrants for full membership in American society.
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The Right to Deportation Counsel in Padilla v. Kentucky: The Challenging Construction of the Fifth-and-a-Half Amendment

TL;DR: The U.S. Supreme Court's pathbreaking decision in Padilla v. Kentucky seems reasonably simple and exact: Sixth Amendment norms were applied to noncitizen Jose Padilla's claim that his criminal defense counsel was ineffective due to allegedly incorrect advice concerning the risk of deportation as mentioned in this paper.
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Padilla v. Kentucky: A New Chapter in Supreme Court Jurisprudence on Whether Deportation Constitutes Punishment for Lawful Permanent Residents?

TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the deportation of lawful permanent residents on account of a criminal conviction is punitive, and therefore enhanced constitutional protections must be afforded to LRS during removal proceedings.
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Status as Punishment: A Critical Guide to Padilla v. Kentucky

TL;DR: The case of Padilla v. Kentucky as discussed by the authors was the first time the Court extended the Sixth Amendment right to counsel to a consequence of conviction that is not part of the court-imposed punishment.
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The Whole Better than the Sum: A Case for the Categorical Approach to Determining the Immigration Consequences of Crime

TL;DR: In this paper, the authors evaluate the cumulative effect of the categorical approach, a procedural hybrid of statutory interpretation and evidentiary rules, on noncitizens and the immigration system, and argue that the CSA has substantive value.
References
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Understanding the Impact of the 1996 Deportation Laws and the Limited Scope of Proposed Reforms

Nancy Morawetz
- 01 Jun 2000 - 
TL;DR: AEDPA and IIRIRA as discussed by the authors make such deportation mandatory in large classes of cases and provide that permanent residents convicted of a wide array of crimes are automatically placed in detention following the completion of any criminal sentence.
Journal ArticleDOI

Statutory Interpretation and the Balance of Power in the Administrative State

TL;DR: In this paper, the question of whether the critical statutory term "employees" encompasses persons who would be considered independent contractors under the common law, or workers who are foremen and so, at least arguably, part of management is investigated.
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Criminal Justice for Noncitizens: An Analysis of Variation in Local Enforcement

TL;DR: The authors conducted an empirical study of how local criminal process is organized around immigration enforcement and citizenship status, and found that noncitizens experience the same type of criminal justice as citizens in local criminal justice systems.
Posted Content

Regulating the Plea-Bargaining Market: From Caveat Emptor to Consumer Protection

TL;DR: For decades, the Supreme Court treated trials as the norm, was indifferent to sentencing, trusted judges and juries to protect innocence, and drew clean lines excluding civil proceedings and collateral consequences from its purview.
Posted Content

The U.S. Criminal-Immigration Convergence and Its Possible Undoing

TL;DR: The U.S. criminal-immigration convergence holds powerful sway, despite the fact that it does much harm and relatively little good, because it serves to relieve pervasive cognitive dissonance in the United States regarding immigration, specifically in relation to economic and racial concerns as discussed by the authors.