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Journal ArticleDOI

Were the 1973 Elections in Israel Critical

Alan Arian
- 01 Oct 1975 - 
- Vol. 8, Iss: 1, pp 152
TLDR
The results of the 1973 election showed that the Likud-Mapam alignment had a steadily declining share of the vote, or is it the low point of a curve that will again swing up and underscore the rule of the continued dominance of the labor movement in Israeli politics as discussed by the authors.
Abstract
Israel's dominant party system has proved to be very hardy. One party-formerly Mapai, now Labor-has consistently won a plurality of the votes in Israel's eight elections and has always been the major factor in the coalition governments that have ruled the country.'1 The elections on the last day of 1973 had great potential for changing the allocation of power in Israeli politics. Since they occurred shortly after the Yom Kippur War, these elections caught the Labor-Mapam alignment suffering from a shortage of public confidence. In addition, the opposition Likud, newly formed from a number of center and right parties, was encouraged by its good showing in the Histadrut (Labor Federation) election before the war. The popular identification of the Labor party with the achievements of the state was bound to be put to a test after the war. Were the 1973 elections in Israel critical?2 Will they be remembered as the elections "in which more or less profound readjustments occur in the relations of power within the community, and in which new and durable election groupings are formed"?3 Is the 1973 alignment showing signs of a steadily declining share of the vote, or is it the low point of a curve that will again swing up and underscore the rule of the continued dominance of the labor movement in Israeli politics? Before turning to these questions, it is important to establish the extent of change in voting behavior in Israeli elections. The size of the floating vote provides a base point for assessing whether the 1973 elections deviated from previous patterns. The results of the 1973 vote allowed the Labor-Mapam alignment to retain power; but its strength was curtailed from 57 seats in the outgoing 120-seat Knesset to 51 seats in the new one. The second largest parliamentary bloc, the Likud, increased its seats from thirtyone to thirty-nine. But the results emphasize the consistent voting behavior of a large segment of the population in election after election.

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Journal ArticleDOI

Candidates, Parties and Blocs Israel in the 1990s

Asher Arian, +1 more
- 01 Nov 2001 - 
TL;DR: The Israeli party system, its parties and its voters have undergone tremendous change as mentioned in this paper from a stable dominant party system through a competitive two-bloc system, it finds itself in the 1990s in a state of dealignment, with weakening parties, loosening party ties, fragmentation, growing volatility and frequent turnover in government.
Journal ArticleDOI

Realignment Theory and British Party Development: A Critique

TL;DR: In this article, the applicability of critical election theory to British party development under the Third Reform Act was examined and it was shown that the general elections of 1886 and 1906 showed none of the features associated with critical realignments, such as high rates of participation, electoral instability, durable changes in the social basis of party support.
Journal ArticleDOI

Elections as an Opportunity of learning Civic Education and Political Participation for teenagers

TL;DR: For example, this article found that education increases civic and political participation involvement among young people in developed countries, while there is robust evidence that education increase civic and civic engagement. But,
Dissertation

The political exclusion of poor people in Britain and Israel : the poverty of democracy

Gal Alon
TL;DR: For example, the authors found that roughly two fifth of the poor in the UK and Israel did not support the expansion of the welfare state and that the principal beneficiaries of welfare appear to be incapable of mobilising democracy to expand it.
Journal ArticleDOI

Effects of Religious Identity and Ethnicity on the Israeli-Jewish Electorate

TL;DR: This article measured religious identity as a nominal variable and applied an interactive model that compared the effects of the pairings of religious identity and ethnicity to a common baseline, finding that religious identity has stronger effects than ethnicity.
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