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Showing papers on "Circular migration published in 2004"


Journal ArticleDOI
22 Sep 2004
TL;DR: Puerto Rican migration takes three forms: the one-way migrants, the return migrants, and the circular migrants, who migrate back and forth between the island and the mainland spending substantial periods of residence in both places as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Since 1917 all Puerto Ricans, whether island- or mainland-born, are United States citizens. Physical proximity and relatively affordable transportation encourages Puerto Rican migration to the mainland United States. Puerto Rican migration takes three forms: the “one- way migrants,” who move permanently to the mainland; the “return migrants” who migrate to the mainland but after many years return to the island and reestablish residence; and the “circular migrants” who migrate back and forth between the island and the mainland spending substantial periods of residence in both places. The following analysis emphasizes the conditions that instigate the departure of Puerto Rican migrants from both the island and the mainland, and discusses the implications of Puerto Rican circular migration for social work and the provision of social welfare programs and services.

48 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In 2000, an estimated 175 million people lived outside their place of birth, more than ever before, and about 158 million were deemed international migrants; approximately 16 million were recognized refugees fleeing a well-founded fear of persecution and 900,000 were asylum seekers as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In 2000, an estimated 175 million people lived outside their place of birth, more than ever before. Of these, about 158 million were deemed international migrants; approximately 16 million were recognized refugees fleeing a well-founded fear of persecution and 900,000 were asylum seekers. They include the skilled Nigerian computer engineer working in Sweden; the agricultural worker from Guatemala working "irregularly" (without legal documentation) in the United States; the woman trafficked from Ukraine to Bosnia; and the refugee from Afghanistan now in Pakistan and about to return home. Today, the growth of international migration and national interests both clashing and compatible call out for increased international cooperation. The international community needs to establish more widely shared norms and agreed-upon procedures in order to manage better the flow of international migrants to the benefit both of the migrants themselves and the countries of origin, transit, and destination. MIGRATION: AN ELEMENT OF GLOBALIZATION Globalization is a primary force that is shaping the character and impact of migration. Lower travel costs and information and communication technologies have made migration much more viable, the exchange of money and technology that is a result of migration much easier, and return or circular migration more prevalent. Broadly speaking, the global flows of international migrants can be grouped into labor, family, and refugee categories. They may migrate voluntarily or involuntarily, and may have permanent, temporary, or no legal status. Better opportunities abroad are the driving factor of voluntary labor migration, attracting both highly educated (e.g. medical and technical) and less-educated (farm and domestic) labor. Some migrants move with the intention of establishing permanent residence. The traditional countries of immigration admit migrants for permanent settlement and grant them the right to apply for citizenship under certain requirements. Many governments recognize the right to family reunification and often permit close family members to enter through legal channels. This has had enormous impact: Family-sponsored migrants accounted for 45 to 75 percent of all international migrants admitted to European and North American countries in 2000. Other migrants move involuntarily. They include refugees and those with refugee-like status, including temporary protection. Refugees are forced to leave their countries owing to fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group. In some regions, those who are outside their country of origin because of armed conflict, generalized violence, severe natural disasters, or other circumstances that have seriously disturbed the public order are also accorded refugee-like status. The situations of documented and undocumented (irregular or "illegal") migrants greatly differ, with the former having a wide range of legal and social protections that the latter lack. An increasingly important dimension of undocumented migration is smuggling and trafficking in human beings. Smuggling involves the facilitation of illegal border crossing or residence in another country with the complicity of the migrant. Trafficking is the coercive, exploitative, and non-consensual movement of persons for profit. It does not necessarily involve a cross-border movement. Although hard to quantify, undocumented migration has risen significantly in the last 10 years, with migrant smuggling and trafficking becoming one of the most profitable branches of organized crime. Over the longer run, the so-called "Birth Rate Crisis" will make international migration an even more significant factor in globalization. The number of persons aged 60 and above was 600 million in 2000, triple the number in 1950, but less than one-third the projected 2 billion of 2050. …

41 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Based upon recent data from a sample of over 3000 women from Anhui and Sichuan provinces, this paper argued that the situation had radically changed by the end of 1990s.
Abstract: Based upon recent data from a sample of over 3000 women from Anhui and Sichuan provinces this paper argues that the situation had radically changed by the end of 1990s. Single women still migrate and in growing numbers but the assumption that most female migrants today are young women who return to their villages to marry and bear children and then cease to migrate homogenizes a more complex reality. Single women from Anhui and Sichuan frequently engage in several migration episodes and married women are migrating both with and without their husbands or their children. Patterns of migration vary among regions and relate to the occupations of women at their destination which are normally gained through access to networks based in their place of origin. Many of these married women with and without their families are creating niches for themselves in sales and service occupations in urban destinations renting accommodation from local residents and even enrolling their children in school. These findings have significant implications for a deeper understanding of a number of issues including the establishment of effective protective mechanisms and services for women and their children in destination areas the effect of past and potential migration income and experience upon womens status in rural areas and (because it is women and their children who can transform a process of circular migration into one of permanent settlement) the pace and character of urbanization in China. (excerpt)

38 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Cainkar et al. as discussed by the authors found that a majority of low-and low-middle-income Palestinian respondents would prefer to return to their homes in Palestine (largely the West Bank) or Jordan if they could.
Abstract: INTRODUCTIONMigration is one way individuals and families cope with economic uncertainty and political turbulence. Migrations in search of stability may be embarked upon with the intention to resettle temporarily or permanently, and these intentions may change over time. Migrants may include only income-producers or entire families. While migration chosen as a strategy for coping with turbulence and uncertainty is often thought of as voluntary migration, many scholars consider the dislocations and disruptions caused by conflict and globalization as events that force migration to occur. This article is about Palestinian migration from Jordan to the United States, the experiences of these migrants while in the United States, their ideas about circular migration, and the potential impact of Post 9/11 U.S. policies and social climate on this migration.Palestinians have resettled extensively within and outside the Arab World since the creation of the State of Israel in 1948 and the 1967 Israeli military occupation of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza (Cainkar, 1988). Indeed, more than 50% of the Palestinian population lives in exile. Many Palestinians are "twice migrants" (Bhachu, 1985). They planted their roots in bordering countries after becoming refugees in 1948 or 1967, or upon locating employment opportunities and safety following the social, political, and economic destabilization that accompanied Israeli military occupation, and then migrated once again in search of better lives. The border country of Jordan which has been the largest single recipient of Palestinians in exile, has more than 2 million Palestinians. Major sites of Palestinian second migration include the Arab Gulf countries, especially Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, and the United States. Palestinian migration to the Gulf States occurred in large numbers between the 1950s and 1990 (Brand, 1988). While this migration returned lucrative rewards until the late 198Os, it largely came to an end with the Gulf War of 1990-91. Indeed, the vast majority of Palestinian migrants were expelled from these countries during and after the 1990-91 Gulf War (Cainkar, 1994). Palestinians began migrating to the United States around the turn of the 20th Century (Al-Tahir, 1952; Cainkar, 1988). This migration accelerated after 1948, increased again after the 1965 change in U.S. immigration laws, and has continued unabated through the turn of the 21st Century. Palestinians living in Jordan have also increased their levels of migration to the U.S. Data for immigrants to the U.S. carrying Jordanian passports, which includes West Bank Palestinians travelling on Jordanian passports, Jordanians, and Palestinian citizens of Jordan, show increases through 2001, excluding the years 1982-89. During these years, more Palestinians came to the U.S. to study than as immigrants (Cainkar, 1988). Since the 1990-91 Gulf War, the United States has become one of the primary locations of Palestinian resettlement.QUALITY OF LIFE IN THE UNITED STATESA study by Cainkar (1998) revealed, among other things, a growing low-income sector of the Palestinian immigrant population in Chicago, a community that in the past had been characterized largely by upward economic mobility. This growth was explained by a complex interaction of factors, including lowered remittances sent "back home", changes in the local Chicago economy, political pressures on Arab shopkeepers, and changing migration patterns (Cainkar, 1999). One of the more striking findings of this study was that a majority of low- and low-middle-income Palestinian respondents said that they would prefer to return to their homes in Palestine (largely the West Bank) or Jordan if they could. They felt that the quality of their lives was superior in their home country or in their country of first resettlement, even though they were economically better off and their children had more opportunities in Chicago. They spoke of the poor quality of their networks of social relations in the U. …

6 citations


01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: In this paper, a provisional theory of rural cosmopolitanism is presented as a counterpoint to conventional discussions of cosmopolitanisms and demonstrate its significance for studying South Asian modernities.
Abstract: In this article we present a provisional theory of rural cosmopolitanism as a counterpoint to conventional discussions of cosmopolitanism and demonstrate its significance for studying South Asian modernities. We explore our ideas through the figure of the circular migrant: someone who transmits through movements in geographic space not just sensi bilities and ideas, but also the materials and techniques that enable the transformation of social space in multiple worlds. The regionalisation of labour markets in India, with a consequent rise in labour circulation, provides empirical justification to our foeus on circular migrants. But neither circular migration nor rural cosmopolitanism is a new phenomenon. Instead, we suggest that by probing the largely invisible histories of move ment within South Asia, we may end up writing the rise of nationalisms, regional political movements, and modernities in that part of the world in very different ways. This is pre cisely why it is necessary to reject the figure of...

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: The difference between permanent and non-permanent mobility lies with the will or will not intend to settle at the destination residences as discussed by the authors, if someone move to another residences and does not intention to settle permanently then this kind of movement is called circular migration.
Abstract: The different between permanent and non permanent mobility lies with the will or will not intend to settle at the destination residences. If someone move to another residences and does not intend to settle permanently then this kind of movement is called circular migration. Migrant motivation usually has economic motive, urban-migrant is bigger than rural-migrant in quantity. Rural-migrants are generally the transmigrants whose activity is in farming sector. Circular migration is much more than permanent migration. Such a thing is caused by centripetal and centrifugal force of same power. Population is faced with the problem of selection, to settle at the rural with hard economy condition or migrate to another region. To solve the problem, then, they usually decide to move to the other region performing circular mobility. Circular mobility gives a positives effect in economic condition, education, and development to the region where the migrants come from. The presence of consigment and new ideas transfered to the rural. Such a thing will bring the workers rural development.

1 citations