Showing papers on "Democracy published in 1972"

Participation in America : Political Democracy and Social Equality

Abstract: "Participation in America" represents the largest study ever conducted of the ways in which citizens participate in American political life. Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie addresses the question of who participates in the American democratic process, how, and with what effects. They distinguish four kinds of political participation: voting, campaigning, communal activity, and interaction with a public official to achieve a personal goal. Using a national sample survey and interviews with leaders in 64 communities, the authors investigate the correlation between socioeconomic status and political participation. Recipient of the Kammerer Award (1972), "Participation in America" provides fundamental information about the nature of American democracy.

Neither Black nor white : slavery and race relations in Brazil and the United States

Abstract: Carl Degler s 1971 Pulitzer-Prize-winning study of comparative slavery in Brazil and the United States is reissued in the Wisconsin paperback edition, making it accessible for all students of American and Latin American history and sociology. Until Degler s groundbreaking work, scholars were puzzled by the differing courses of slavery and race relations in the two countries. Brazil never developed a system of rigid segregation, such as appeared in the United States, and blacks in Brazil were able to gain economically and retain far more of their African culture. Rejecting the theory of Giberto Freyre and Frank Tannenbaum that Brazilian slavery was more humane Degler instead points to a combination of demographic, economic, and cultural factors as the real reason for the differences. In the early 1970s when studies in social history were beginning to blossom on the North American scene, Carl Degler s prize-winning contribution was a thoughtful provocative essay in comparative history. Its thoughtfulness has not diminished with the years. Indeed, it is as topical today as when it was first published. The Brazilian experience with rapid industrialization and its attempt to restore democratic government indicates that the issues which Degler treated in the early 1970s are more pertinent than ever today. Franklin W. Knight, Department of History, Johns Hopkins University."

Education and Democracy

Abstract: By the time I read this remark, reprinted in the Education Gazette, I was well into the preparation of this paper, and so I decided that, common or not, an­ other piece of such criticism would have to be inflicted on a helpless public. When I read the next sentence, though, I was ready to give up the attempt, for Mr. Bar­ ter went on to tell his audience that he was able to deny that Australian education was poor or even worse and, he continued, that he could:

In Defence of Politics

Abstract: Preface to the Fifth Edition Acknowledgements 1. The Nature of Political Rule 2. A Defence of Politics Against Ideology 3. A Defence of Politics Against Democracy 4. A Defence of Politics against Nationalism 5. A Defence of Politics Against Technology 6. A Defence of Politics Against False Friends The non-political conservative The a-political liberal The anti-political socialist 7. In Praise of Politics Three Footnotes A Footnote to Rally the Academic Professors of politics (1964) A Footnote to Rally Fellow Socialists (1982) A Final Footnote to Rally Those Who Grudge the Price (1992) Epilogue (2000)

Autocracy and democracy;: An experimental inquiry

Abstract: Now, we come to offer you the right catalogues of book to open. autocracy and democracy an experimental inquiry is one of the literary work in this world in suitable to be reading material. That's not only this book gives reference, but also it will show you the amazing benefits of reading a book. Developing your countless minds is needed; moreover you are kind of people with great curiosity. So, the book is very appropriate for you.

Dilemmas of social reform: poverty and community action in the United States

Abstract: This title is a classic work on social reform. It is an account of the origins and development of community action from its beginnings in the Ford Foundation Gray Area Programs and the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency, through the rise and decline of the War on Poverty and the Model Cities program. In the ruthlessly impartial examination of various poverty programs, two social scientists one British, one American-explain why programs of such size and complexity have only a minimal chance of success. They describe the realities of reform and point up how the conservatism of bureaucracy, the rivalries among political and administrative jurisdictions, and the apathy of the poor have often hindered national and local efforts. On the other hand, they show how these obstacles can be overcome by an imaginative combination of leadership, democratic participation, and scientific analysis.

Slavery and Freedom: The American Paradox

Abstract: A MERICAN historians interested in tracing the rise of liberty, democracy, and the common man have been challenged in the past two decades by other historians, interested in tracing the history of oppression exploitation, and racism. The challenge has been salutary, because it has made us examine more directly than historians have hitherto been willing to do, the role of slavery in our early history. Colonial historians, in particular, when writing about the origin and development of American institutions have found it possible until recently to deal with slavery as an exception to everything they had to say. I am speaking about myself but also about most of my generation. We owe a debt of gratitude to those who have insisted that slavery was something more than an exception, that one fifth of the American population at the time of the Revolution is too many people to be treated as an exception.' We shall not have met the challenge simply by studying the history of that one fifth, fruitful as such studies may be, urgent as they may be. Nor shall we have met the challenge if we merely execute the familiar maneuver of turning our old interpretations on their heads. The temptation is already apparent to argue that slavery and oppression were the dominant features of American history and that efforts to advance liberty and equality were the exception, indeed no more than a device to divert the masses while their chains were being fastened. To dismiss the rise of liberty and equality in American history as a mere sham is not only to ignore hard facts, it is also to evade the problem presented by those facts. The rise of liberty and equality in this country was accompanied by the rise of slavery. That two

Turnout and Representation in Presidential Primary Elections

Abstract: This paper provides a partial test of the widely-held assumption that preference primaries are the most representative element of the presidential nominating system. It notes that the average voting turnout in presidential primaries is only 39 per cent, compared with 69 per cent in the same states' ensuing general elections. The representative quality of these electorates is examined with data from sample surveys of the 1968 New Hampshire and Wisconsin primaries. A comparison of the primary participants with non-participants among each party's identifiers shows, first, that presidential primary electorates are demographically unrepresentative of their nonvoting fellow partisans in age, education, income, and social status. Second, primary participants have no more intense party identifications than do non-participants. Third, participants hold issue positions more strongly than nonparticipants do, and on some issues they even hold positions contrary to those of nonparticipants. Finally, both of the Democratic primaries overrepresented Johnson sentiment and underrepresented McCarthy and Kennedy sentiment. The author concludes that the preference primaries' claim to be the most representative element of the presidential nominating system may not be warranted, especially if and when the national conventions are reformed along lines such as those laid down by the McGovern-Fraser Commission. In any case, 1972 offers a unique opportunity to study the comparative representativeness of local, state, and national party conventions and the preference primaries.

Electoral Choice and Popular Control of Public Policy: The Case of the 1966 House Elections *

Abstract: Recent democratic theorists define democracy procedurally, providing lists of necessary and sufficient conditions for a democratic system. They require a free press, free and open elections, universal suffrage, one-person onevote; they require that candidates or parties with the most votes must win, that minorities must be allowed equal opportunity to become majorities, and so on. Certainly this description fits such theorists as Dahl,1 Downs,2 and Mayo,3 all of whom feel that the basic meaning of democracy is deciding who shall govern. Typical is the following definition of democracy: "One test of an electoral system is the extent to which it is democratic, that is, the extent to which everyone is permitted to participate in the choice (of rulers) ."4 It is argued that since the size and complexity of modern nations have made direct popular control of policies impossible, the best test of democracy is popular selection of decision makers. According to this criterion, we have in the

Political Elites, Mass Publics, and Support for Democratic Principles

Abstract: Much recent research has concluded that the persistence of responsive and nontyrannical democracies depends upon the maintenance of special political influentials or elites. It is argued that maintaining these groups is essential because they have been socialized, through their participation in the political process, to support democratic principles such as minority rights even when the majority of the polity may not. In fact, many have suggested that this resocialization process is of such magnitude and importance that the end result is a distinctively political stratification system, not co-

Theories of Government Related to Decentralization and Citizen Participation

Abstract: The most urgent question facing the United States is whether our democratic institutions, as presently constituted, are capable of resolving the accelerating problems menacing the immediate future (47)(48)(56). The extent and severity of this crisis in democratic institutions is the subject of considerable debate (18)(29)(89), but most democrats agree that reforms are necessary. The democratic reform alternatives are numerous, but they can be clustered into two major categories: (1) proposals for strengthening contemporary representative democracy, and (2) proposals for replacing representative democracy with participatory democracy. The general purpose of this essay is to discuss some of the arguments for and against maximal citizen participation as a reform alternative.

Political developments in Turkey, 1950–70

Abstract: The elections of May 14, 1950, which brought the Democratic Party (Demokrat Parti) of Celal Bayar and Adnan Menderes, President and Premier in 1950-60 respectively, to power and sent the Republican Party (Cumhurriyet Halk Partisi) of Ismet Inonii into opposition (it is still there) was the turning point in Turkish political and social life. It set into motion a new process of leadership selection, social mobilization and broader popular participation. Now, twenty years after this memorable political event, one may rightly ask whether the Turkish efforts to adopt first the classical mechanism of European parliamentarianism and then the ideas of social democracy were successful at all. The answer is positive, despite the brief interlude of a military takeover in 1960-61. Instead of restoring a strong regime under one party government, as demanded by some intellectual and bureaucratic groups, the military ended their rule formally in 1961, by adopting a broadly based social and political order and a new constitution. The success of the Turkish experiment in parliamentary democracy stands in sharp contrast not only to the political regimes in the neighbouring countries but also to most of the Third World. It is true that the present regime in Turkey has been challenged by a variety of leftist and rightist groups, either because it supposedly retards modernization and does not achieve social justice, or because the economic development and the social change it promotes undermine the basic values and the established order in the society. But the regime seems to maintain its vitality. The purpose of this article is not to provide broad generalizations about Turkish politics but a general and factual analysis of some of the major internal and international developments occurring between 1950 and 1970. Nevertheless, in order to place these developments in proper perspective it is necessary to point out some basic historical and social factors which conditioned, at least in part, the emergence of the current parliamentary regime. The first factor is a historical one. The Turkish Republic inherited from the Ottoman Empire not only a strong bureaucratic organization but also a sophisticated political understanding of conflicts and experience in solving them. One may say that throughout the nineteenth century the Ottoman bureaucracy, despite its internal weaknesses, sought to reconcile the social and ethnic conflicts rising from the encounter with, as well as the pressure of Europe, its own traditions of authority and social organization. This tradition was based on the principle that the role of the government was to achieve balance among various forces and interests within the framework of a political system. The social and cultural system on one hand, and the political system on the other, were manipulated in practice as separate entities subject to their own exigencies. The ability of the Ottoman bureaucracy to separate in practice-the theory was rather ambiguous-

"The Sense of an Impending Clash": English Working-Class Unrest before the First World War

Abstract: HISTORIANS WHO SET out to understand early twentieth-century England must sooner or later come to terms with George Dangerfield's Strange Death of Liberal England.1 An elaborately extended metaphor, the book describes a "liberal" England that is part Gladstone and part Rupert Brooke, apparently ageless, yet doomed because unable to practice any longer the deceiving homilies it has preached for over half a century: individualism and economic servitude; self-help and deference; democracy and class-consciousness. Its death signals the birth of a new and very different England, one of strikes, suffragettes, and turmoil over Ireland, a nation as inclined to balk at compromise as was its predecessor to indulge in it. Dangerfield appears ready to welcome this new, post-liberal England, insisting as he does that the conflicts of 1911 -14, far from signs of decadence, were evidence of rebirth. Yet his dazzling impressionism is not wholly convincing. To describe Georgian England as casting off the traditions and institutions of the past implies a break with the Victorian age that had by no means come by 1914. It fails to account for the traumas of the ensuing fifty years, heralded by Strachey's Eminent Victorians and marked out by Versailles and Suez, in which the English have had to face down a far from moribund nineteenth century. A second implication appears more plausible. At the root of Dangerfield's thesis lies his belief that Georgian unrest was all of a piece. Suffragettes, Orangemen, and syndicalists are joined together in one pattern to describe his "new" England. Most historians have agreed. They speak of a "mood" that, according to their predilections, may or may not signal the end of Victorian liberalism, but that almost invariably combines labor unrest, feminist militancy, and Irish insurrection into one general prewar cataclysm. Henry Pelling has now challenged that notion. In a chapter in his recent Popular Politics and Society in Late Victorian

The Colonial Policy of the Popular Front

Abstract: The accession to power of the Popular Front government in 1936 was greeted in the French empire with enthusiasm by many leaders of the non-European population overseas. Political leaders as different as Ho Chi Minh, Habib Bourguiba, and Ferhat Abbas viewed with optimism the possibility of cooperating with the French government and working for a liberalization of the French imperial structure.1 All three French political parties making up the Popular Front-the Radical Socialist, the Socialist, and the Communist parties-were vaguely identified with reformism and the latter two were even thought of as being anticolonial. The very hopes which the Popular Front engendered overseas in the long run proved to be deleterious to the empire-for hopes were raised which were totally unrealistic. Perhaps, if the history of the political parties had been studied more carefully, it would have been discovered that none of the three parties was unconditionally anticolonial and that even their devotion to reform was at best equivocal. In its early years the Radical party had had a reputation for its violent attacks against the imperialism of Jules Ferry and his Opportunist majority. Article 10 of the Radical party program in 1881 was: "Opposition to all policies of conquest."2 In the Chamber of Deputies the flamboyant Clemenceau denounced colonial conquest as a betrayal of democratic principle; in adopting a policy of "domination and exploitation of man by his fellow-man we are betraying our tradition .. ," Clemenceau declared.3 In 1883 the Tiger attacked the subter-

The Politics of the 1969 Somali Coup

Abstract: In the lives of nations, as of men, reputations all too often achieve their widest currency when they are already out of date. The Somali Republic is no exception to this general rule. Although the real circumstances had already significantly altered before the military brusquely seized power in October 1969, Somalia was still generally known for democracy at home and trouble abroad. The first of these characterisations referred to the striking persistance of a vigorous and effective multi-party parliamentary system, and the second to the seemingly uniquely intractable nature of the ‘Somali Dispute’ which committed the Republic to supporting the secessionist claims of the contiguous Somali populations of Kenya, Ethiopia, and French Somaliland, at the price of severely strained relations with these neighbouring states. These and other attributes unusual amongst the new states of sub-Saharan Africa appeared to be closely connected with the Republic's exuberant sense of national identity, a quality all the more remarkable in being firmly grounded in a long-standing and entirely traditional cultural nationalism.

The ‘New Woman’ and Traditional Norms in Tanzania

Abstract: Tanzania is engaged in a struggle to become a democratic socialist and developed nation. The implications of socialist ideology for actual policy planning and implementation still have not been fully clarified. Certain questions concerning the economic base are especially important, in particular the desirable relationship of every citizen to the production processes of the country. The possibility of further alienation of the worker from the process of production in the context of nationalisation and state-controlled industrialisation has already been identified by several observers.1 The pervasive nature of the dual economy in the ‘development of under-development’ has also been analysed with respect to Tanzania.2 What is consistently disregarded, however, is the peculiar place of women in the midst of change and counter-change.

Value problems of Welfare-Capitalism

Abstract: I have borrowed this term from Richard Crossman. When he wrote his contribution to the New Fabian Essays in 1952 he took stock of the present state of socialism, as the original Fabians had done in 1889. He hoped to discover ‘a philosophy of Socialism’ with life in it. But he failed. An obvious place to look for it was in the Welfare State, as it had emerged from the hands of the post-war Labour government. But the Welfare State, he decided, was not socialist; it was ‘the climax of a long process, in the course of which capitalism had been civilised and to a large extent reconciled with democracy’. Later on he referred to the product of this process as ‘welfare capitalism’. He ought to have called it ‘democratic-welfare-capitalism’ because, as I shall argue, democracy deserves to have a position as a third party of independent status, not just to be taken for granted.

Political Immunization and Political Confessionalism: The United States and Weimar Germany

Abstract: The United States and Weimar Germany One of the most salient features of an innovative work published in the I96os is the discussion by William McPhee and Jack Ferguson of "political immunization."I This construct may be viewed as a specific extension of general learning theory. People who participate across time in an electoral system develop partisan commitments as they grow older. As these commitments become entrenched with age and with reinforcing primary-group relations, voters should become increasingly immunized from political appeals arising outside of that part of the electoral mainstream to which they have become committed. Thus occurs the authors' paradox: For politics of a relatively moderate center to dominate the system, the individuals and groups in it must acquire immoderate political commitments. A major contributor to this pattern is the family's role in the political socialization of the young. There is a strong and well-documented tendency, particularly in the United States, for partisan or tendence identification to be transmitted from parents (especially fathers) to their children. The inverse of political immunization, of course, is political contagion: the vulnerability of an electorate or one of its major elements to capture by a radical movement arising outside of the political system. Converse argues on the basis of survey evidence that time is a crucial component of stability in any system of electoral politics.2 He concludes that the longer an electoral system or political regime endures, the greater must be the shocks that would suffice to overthrow it. Or, stated from a different perspective, the greatest danger to a democratic electoral system occurs in its infancy, i.e., in a period when attachments are still relatively feeble for a very large part of the total electorate.

"Consociational Democracy" and Language Conflict A Comparison of the Belgian and Swiss Experiences

Abstract: /// ode~rn politics is intimately linked to the politics of party systems. Ever since political parties made their appearance in the nineteenth century, most of the significant mass political activity in Western countries has been aimed at influencing the party system in some way: getting into it, getting control of it, maintaining it, overthrowing it, or replacing it. It is not surprising, therefore, that the modern study of party systems has been intimately linked to the study of democratic political stability and conflict resolution. The range qf the recent literature on party systems is extraordinarily wide. It includes the historical model-building effort of Lipset and Rokkan (1967), and Dahl’s (1966) broad comparative generalizations about oppositions. It encompasses the cross-national studies of Rose and Urwin (1970, 1969) and Blondel (1968), as well as the &dquo;theoretical case study&dquo; of Harry Eckstein (1966). Of even greater interest, in the context of this article, is the growing body of literature which examines the relations between party systems, social cleavages, elite behavior, and political stability in a particular type of political system

The war of steel and gold : a study of the armed peace.

Abstract: Volume 1 Empire or Democracy [1939] Leonard Barnes 303pp Volume 2 The War of Steel and Gold [1914] Henry N. Brailsford 320pp Volume 3 Patriotism and the Empire [1899] J.M. Robertson 208pp Volume 4 Democracy after the War [1917] J.A. Hobson 215pp Volume 5 Liberalism and the Empire [1907] F.W. Hirst 240pp Volume 6 Africa and the Peace of Europe E.D. Morel 150pp Volume 7 Empire and Commerce in Africa [1920] Leonard Woolf 382pp Volume 8 Labour and the Empire [1907] J. Ramsey Macdonald 127pp

Effects of a Legislative Simulation Game on the Political Attitudes of Junior High School Students.

Abstract: Two studies were conducted to investigate the effects of the peatocracx game on the political attitudes of junior high school students The game produced marked increases in the students' acceptance of the practice of "log-rolling" by00ngressmen In one of the studies it also increased the students' feelings of political efficacy ( The game did not increase the students' interest in politics and the legislative process

The Five Thousand in the Athenian revolutions of 411 B.C.

Abstract: Two postwar studies have given a new direction to discussions of the oligarchic revolutions in Athens. In 1956 Mr G. E. M. de Ste Croix attacked the accepted doctrine that the regime which succeeded that of the Four Hundred, in the autumn of 411 (which I shall refer to as the intermediate regime), was one in which all political rights were restricted to men of hoplite status: instead he suggested that the basic rights (membership of the assembly and δικαστήρια) were restored to all who had enjoyed them before the democracy was overthrown, and that the privilege reserved for men of hoplite status was that of holding office. Professor B. R. I. Sealey has advanced a stage further on this line of reasoning, and argues that this form of modified democracy is what was wanted also by those who campaigned in the spring of 411 for rule by the Five Thousand: then, as in the autumn, all citizens were to retain their basic rights, and the Five Thousand were to be the body of men eligible to hold office. This allows Sealey to play down dislike of democracy, as such, and to attach more importance in the agitation for reform to other motives, such as the desire to save public money by excluding from office men who could not afford to serve unless they were paid a salary. My object here is to suggest that this new interpretation is mistaken. Much will have to be taken for granted on other issues, but it may be helpful if I first reveal my presuppositions in a brief note on the sources and the kind of narrative I would reconstruct from them.

The Transformation of Communist Ideology: The Yugoslav Case, 1945-1953

Abstract: This is the first book to trace in detail the relationship between pre-1948 Yugoslav deviant views and their full development after Tito's break with Stalin in 1948 The author, who speaks fluent Serbo-Croatian, has searched the pertinent literature to show how the deviant Yugoslav "Titoist" doctrine grew out of local and immediate needs of the revolutionary Communist regimePart I of the book treats the period between the end of World War II and the outbreak of open conflict with Stalin in 1948, examining the Yugoslav Communists and the nature of their revolution, their postwar program of developing socialism, and their analysis of the international situation The divergence of the Yugoslav notion of "people's democracy" from that prevailing in the Soviet Union and elsewhere in Eastern Europe is described In Part II the author analyzes the "Titoist" doctrine which emerged between 1948 and 1953, and remarks on the immediate Yugoslav reaction to the break with Stalin, the re-evaluation and critique of the Soviet system, and the reappraisal of the international situation Various elements of the doctrine of "socialist democracy" as well as the revised view of agricultural collectivization are also studied The book's third part characterizes the transformation of Yugoslav Communist ideology during the period 1945-1953, formulating conclusions about the process of ideological change

Bangladesh: Why It Happened

Abstract: T | nHE immediate causes of the disintegration of Pakistan and the emergence of Bangladesh on December 16, 1971, were the military atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army against unarmed Bengalis; the influx of millions of refugees from East Bengal into India since March 1971; and finally the direct Indian military intervention in East Bengal, backed by the diplomatic support of the Soviet Union. The rise of Bengali sub-nationalism within Pakistan, however, had its origin in a number of factors-political, economic, cultural, sociological, etc.-that had been operating since Pakistan was created in 1947. Of all the provinces which constituted Pakistan, it was Bengal which gave the most solid support to Mohammed Ali Jinnah in his struggle for the establishment of a separate Muslim state in the sub-continent. Yet, within a very short period, the Bengalis began to have second thoughts. Although they were the majority group in Pakistan, they suffered from a deep-rooted fear of domination by the minority group of West Pakistan. In a democracy, the majority should not have any fear of domination, nor should they have to ask for safeguards, such as regional autonomy, reservation of places in the civil service and the army and guarantees that the economic development of their region would not be neglected nor their culture threatened. But for two decades the majority Bengali group did feel obliged to seek these guarantees; and when they were not granted, Bengali sub-nationalism began to gather momentum until ultimately it became a national movement for the creation of a separate state. What were the factors that gave rise to Bengali nationalism? First, the political factor: Pakistan began its political career under a parliamentary system modelled on Westminster and under a federal constitution. But neither the parliamentary system nor the federation was genuine. The constitutional forms and trappings of democracy only provided a cloak for rule by the few who were able to concentrate power in their own hands. During eleven years (1947-58) of so-called parliamentary democracy, there was not a single general election, and the provincial elections were described as 'a farce, mockery and a fraud upon the electorate '.' Well-organised political parties did not exist. With the decline of the Muslim League, there was no national party; the remaining parties were more narrowly based than those in the new