Showing papers on "Democracy published in 1973"

Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World

Abstract: Social origins of dictatorship and democracy: lord and peasant in the making of the modern world , Social origins of dictatorship and democracy: lord and peasant in the making of the modern world , مرکز فناوری اطلاعات و اطلاع رسانی کشاورزی

The American Commonwealth

Abstract: In "Democracy in America" (1835), the Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville viewed the fledgling United States through the lens of political theory A half-century later, the Englishman James Bryce recorded, not what he thought about democracy or America, but "the institutions and the people of America as they are" This is the second of a two-volume set The work was first published in three volumes in 1888 The two-volume edition is based on the updated third edition of 1941, which encompassed all the changes, corrections and additions that Bryce entered into the previous three editions Its expanded appendix includes Bryce's 1887 essay, "The Predictions of Hamilton and De Tocqueville", and contemporaneous (1889) reviews of "The American Commonwealth" by Woodrow Wilson and Lord Acton Bryce presents the results of conversations with scores of Americans, and the close observation of the operation of American political institutions, including political parties and municipal and state governments

On the Relation of Economic Development to Democratic Performance

Abstract: The relationship between economic growth and democratic political development has been the subject of considerable study. While most analysts have argued that the latter is a positive function of the former, there has been disagreement over both the form of the relationship and the definition of democratic political development itself. The purpose of this paper is to specify and estimate some simple models describing the relationship for a cross-section of 60 non-Communist countries. While the thesis that economic development fosters the emergence of democratic political institutions and processes has a long history in political thought, the first major attempt to assess it empirically was presented by Lipset in his well-known essay "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy."' Using a number of indices of economic development, Lipset concluded that:

The political economy of development and underdevelopment

Abstract: Part 1 Theory and method in economic development: development - which way now?, Amartya K. Sen the misconceptions of "developmental economics", Deepak Lal conventional foolishness and overall ignorance - current approaches to global transformation and development, Gerald Helleiner toward a non ethnocentric theory of development - alternative conceptions from the Third World, Howard H. Wiarda. Part 2 Economic development and underdevelopment in a historical perspective: capitalism, Dudley Dillard on the political economy of backwardness, Paul A. Baran the development of underdevelopment, Andre Gunder Frank perspectives on underdevelopment, Frank, the modes of production school, and Amin, David F. Ruccio, Lawrence H. Simon plant imperialism, Lucile Brockway the modernization of underdevelopment - El Salvador, 1858-1931, E. Bradford Burns. Part 3 Development, democracy and contemporary international institutions: revolution in Easten Europe, Andre Gunder Frank options for tacking the external debt problem, Robert Devlin defunding Latin America - reverse transfers by the multilateral lending agencies, Richard E. Feinberg. Part 4 Agriculture in development: in search of a development paradigm, Gene Ellis the new development economics, Joseph E. Stiglitz the peasant economy, Alexander Schejtman the political economy of Third World food imports, Derek Byerlee. Part 5 Industry in development: industry and underdevelopment reexamined, R. B. Sutcliffe global feminization through flexible labour, Guy Standing the political economy of privatization in developing countries, Henry Bienen, John Waterbury can the rest of Asia emulate the NICs, Clive Hamilton the state and industrial strategy, Helen Shapiro, Lance Taylor. Part 6 The human dimension of development: the human dilemma of development, Denis Goulet, Charles Wilber survival strategies and power amongst the poorest, Tony Beck into another jungle - the final journey of the Matacos, Ariel Dorfman women and rural development policies, Deniz Kandiyoti what really matters - human development, Peter Gall. Part 7 What is to be done?: "development".. .or liberation, Denis Goulet pedagogy of the oppressed, Paulo Freire human development, Keith Griffin, John Knight the arms race and development, Inga Thorsson conserving nature, decreasing debt, John Cartwright beyond capitalism and socialism in Africa, Richard L. Sklar.

Ghana in transition

Abstract: Contents: PART I:1. The African Challenge to Democracy. PART II: 2. Historical Background. 3. The Physical and Economic Environment. PART III: 4. The Traditionally Oriented System. 5. Political Organization Among the Akan. 6. Patterns of Indirect Rule. 7. The Politics of Indirect Rule. 8. Towards Autonomy Within the Commonwealth. 9. The Structures of Secular Government. 10. Patterns of Gold Coast Politics. I I. The Legislative Assembly in Action. 12. National Issues and Local Politics. PART IV: 13. Control Factors in Institutional Transfer. 14. Prospects of Gold Coast Democracy. 15. Ghana as a New Nation. Index.Originally published in 1955.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Democracy ancient and modern

Abstract: This elegant and provocative book is perhaps more important now than when it was first published. The three essays that comprised the first edition developed a remarkable discourse between ancient Greek and modern conceptions of democracy, in the belief that each society could help us understand the other. To the original three essays, Sir M. I. Finley has added two that clarify and elaborate the thinking of the first edition. The two new essays, "Athenian Dialogues" and "Censorship in Classical Antiquity" combine with "Leaders and Followers," "Democracy, Consensus, and the National Interest," "Socrates and After" to make this book an unusual inquiry. Few contemporary writers are able to bring to the subject the depth of learning and the persuasive power of language that Sir M. I. Finley brings.

Liberal America and the Third World: Political Development Ideas in Foreign Aid and Social Science

Abstract: In Europe after World War II, U.S. economic aid helped to ensure economic revival, political stability, and democracy. In the Third World, however, aid has been associated with very different tendencies: uneven political development, violence, political instability, and authoritarian rule in most countries.Despite these differing patterns of political change in Europe and the Third World, however, American conceptions of political development have remained largely constant: democracy, stability, anti-communism. Why did the objectives and theories of U.S. aid officials and social scientists remain largely the same in the face of such negative results and despite the seeming inappropriateness of their ideas in the Third World context?Robert Packenham believes that the thinking of both officials and social scientists was profoundly influenced by the "Liberal Tradition" and its view of the American historical experience. Thus, he finds that U.S. opposition to revolution in the Third World steins not only from perceptions of security needs but also from the very conceptions of development that arc held by Americans. American pessimism about the consequences of revolution is intimately related to American optimism about the political effects of economic growth. In his final chapter the author offers some suggestions for a future policy.Originally published in 1973.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

A Critical Review of Barrington Moore's Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy:

Abstract: Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant In the Making of the Modern World. By Barrington Moore, Jr. Boston: Beacon Press, 1966. Many pay lip service to the classical tradition in sociology, but few indeed work in terms of its mandate – which calls upon social scientists to assess, from a comparative and historical perspective, the prospects for freedom, rationality, and democracy in a modernizing world. Of the intrepid few who do consciously carry forward the classical tradition, most elaborate theoretical leads from the enormous scholarly legacy of Max Weber. Barrington Moore, Jr.'s Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy is therefore all the more unusual and interesting because it is not only a work solidly within the classical sociological tradition, but also the product of a Marxist scholarly perspective. And, leaving aside the literature on imperialism, it is virtually the only well-elaborated Marxist work on the politics of modernization to which one can point. Social Origins does not postulate one route to the modern world which must be taken by all countries. Nor does it assign the strategic political roles in modernizing revolutions to the bourgeoisie or the proletariat. Yet in deeper and more significant ways, Social Origins is a Marxist work. In it Professor Moore relies for theoretical sustenance upon the central conceptions of Marxist political sociology – “the conception of social class as arising out of an historically specific set of economic relationships and of the class struggle as the basic stuff of politics .”

The Empirical Theorists of Democracy and Their Critics: A Plague on Both Their Houses:

Abstract: NE OF THE MOST PROMINENT CASUALTIES of the recent attack on the possibility of a purely empirical and value-neutral political science has been the so-called “empirical theory of democracy.’’ The empirical theorists still claim, as Dahl (1956a: 86) puts i t , that they are simply investigating “the actual facts of political life” by means of “methods, theories and criteria of proof that are acceptable according to the canons, conventions and assumptions of modern empirical science” (Dahl, 1961a: 767). I t has by now become one of the commonplaces of current political science, however, that their theories have never achieved -and may never have been intended to achieve-such purely neutral and scientific results. This criticism has involved two distinct claims. The first is that even though the empirical theorists may have investigated the workings of democratic political systems in a wholly neutrd spirit, these inquires have nevertheless hod “nonnative implications” (Walker, 1966: 39 1 ). Some of the critics have pressed their accusations no further than this point

Democracy and disobedience

Abstract: Asking, "Why, or in what circumstances, ought we to obey the law?", this work focuses on the common view that disobedience to the law, while justifiable in a dictatorship, is much more difficult to justify in a democracy. It then develops a theory of political obligation in an ideal democracy. After discussing various forms of disobedience, the author wonders to what extent systems of government approximate to this ideal and why Western democracies fall short of it. The book concludes with a brief case study: the development of disobedience in Northern Ireland.

Toward a Framework for the Study of Political Change in the Iberic-Latin Tradition: The Corporative Model

Abstract: IN the early 1960's a great deal of “scare” literature was produced concerning Latin America. The titles and subtitles of many of the books and articles written during the period help bear this contention out: “The Eleventh Hour,” “Reform or Revolution,” “Evolution or Chaos.” The concern of scholars and public officials, stemming principally from the Cuban revolution, was that Latin America was about to explode in violent upheaval, that unless democratic reforms were quick in forthcoming, the Latin American nations would soon be the victims of Castro-Communist takeovers. The “one-minute-to-midnight” mentality shaped not only a great deal of official thinking and policy with regard to Latin America during the 1960's, but also permeated, in varying degrees of sophistication, the large body of development literature dealing with the area.

Toward as Model of Political Trust: A Causal Analysis

Abstract: The concept of political trust occupies a critical position in much of the literature of modern democratic theory.' Aberbach and Walker have discussed the normative and practical implications of political trust for a democratic society. Normatively, they point out, the existence of distrustful citizens is a barrier to the realization of the "democratic idea." Practically, they believe that leaders in a representative democracy cannot be successful unless they have gained the trust of the citizens. They state, "if distrustful groups are denied access to decision-makers, or if institutions are too rigid to change, destructive conflict and a breakdown in the social ord,r are possible."2 Exploring this same theme, Iglitzin argues that system confidence "engenders peaceful and willing support of that system. But when that confidence changes to apathy, mistrust, and cynicism, little is required to convert these attitudes into uncontrolled behavior."3 Dah has argued that trust favors "polarchy" (democracy) while distrust favors "hegemony" (despotism), for at least three reasons: (1) trust increases the mutual communication essential for a democratic regime; (2) trust makes possible organizations through which citizens can promote their goals; (3) conflicts are more threatening, and thus democracy is imperilled, among people who distrust one another.4 Despite the importance attributed to political trust, the precise nature of

Marching to a Different Drummer: Occupational and Political Correlates of Former Student Activists

Abstract: This study reports on long-range consequences of student political activism. Three groups were selected: (1) former civil rights activists, (2) student government members, and (3) apolitical undergraduates. It was hypothesized that variation in political activism would be linked with differing occupations and political orientations. Former civil rights activists are heavily concentrated in the knowledge and human service occupations and are politically radical to liberal in their attitudes and behavior. Beginning with the sit-in by four black freshmen from North Carolina A & T on February 1, 1960 a college student protest movement demanding political changes was launched (Matthews and Prothro, 1966; Pinkney, 1968). During the sixties hundreds of thousands of black and white students became involved as the direct action civil rights protest mushroomed. Later, segments of the movement redirected their demands to ending the Vietnam War, reforming universities, stopping environmental pollution, and to a host of local issues (Long, 1970; Peterson, 1968; Skolnick, 1969). For their efforts, students were to be killed, beaten, tear-gassed, arrested, suspended from school and generally harassed as they used the tactics of political confrontation to reform or radically change major institutional sectors of the United States (Armistead, 1969; Avorn, 1968; President's Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). The correlates of student protests have been extensively investigated and attempts to evaluate the long-range effects of the movement on both the participants and the larger society are continuing (Altbach and Laufer, 1972; Flacks, 1971; Foster and Long, 1970; Weinberg and Walker, 1969). One question that can be raised is what happens to student activists after they leave the university environment. The only published information on the career development and political orientations of former student activists in the 1960s has been two reports by journalists who have interviewed former members of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement. Greene ( 1970) interviewed twelve of the participants in the Sproul Hall demonstrations, five years later. Neither the leaders nor rank-and-file participants were randomly selected. The former activists although knowledgeable about drugs and communal life-styles were neither in retreatist movements, nor upwardly mobile in some traditional career, living in the suburbs, raising families and voting Democratic. The "squarest" person in terms of conventional consumptive behavior was Matthew Halliman who at the time was the education director of the national Communist party. Most of the twelve remained in close contact with the university as teachers, students, or members of the youth ghetto. They remained politically active. Mario Savio was arrested in 1966 for taking part in a sit-in against the Navy recruiter at Berkeley and he ran for the State Senate on the Peace and Freedom ticket. Carl and Myra Riskin, as new instructors at Columbia, suspended their academic pursuits to take part in the 1970 protest of the U.S. invasion of Cambodia. * An earlier draft of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Sociological Associaiton, 1972. We ate indebted to Seymour Martin Lipset and Richard Braungart for comments on an earlier draft. We would also like to thank Ronald L. Simons for programming assistance.

Constitutional Democracy and Social Welfare

Abstract: I. The constitutional stage, 61. — II. The parliamentary stage, 64. — III. The allocation of decisions between the constitutional and parliamentary stages, 70. — IV. Summary of the theory, 77. — V. Implications for democratic reforms, 79.

Elites Against Democracy: Leadership Ideals in Bourgeois Political Thought in Germany, 1890-1933

Abstract: Since the beginning of the current era of imperialism in the late nineteenth century, there has been a striking contrast between bourgeois political thought in Germany and the West. Walter Struve demonstrates how German political culture went through a phase in which great emphasis was placed on the establishment of a new political elite recruited on the basis of merit and skill, but ruling in an authoritarian way, and not controlled by the populace. He suggests that this type of elitism, many aspects of which were vital to the political culture of Nazi Germany, seems today to be widespread in the West. The development of this concept of an open-yet-authoritarian elite is approached through the analysis of the political ideas and activities of nine elitists, among them Max Weber, Walther Rathenau, and Oswald Spengler. The author relates biography to intellectual, political, social, and economic history, so that his work becomes a study in the political and social context of intellectual history. Originally published in 1973. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

American Democracy Reconsidered: Part I

Abstract: In his celebrated study of American democracy written in 1888, Lord Bryce reserved his most condemnatory reflections for city government and in a muchquoted passage asserted: 'There is no denying that the government of cities is the one conspicuous failure of the United States. The deficiencies of the National government tell but little for evil on the welfare of the people. The faults of the State governments are insignificant compared with the extravagance, corruption and mismanagement which mark the administration of most of the great cities'.1 This paper does not attempt the daunting task of bringing Bryce up to date; rather, it has the more limited objectives of examining some of the main characteristics of the American system of urban government today and the concepts of democracy that inform it, and of posing the question 'Is it democratic ?' rather than 'Is it bad ?' in the Brycean sense. The paper will focus on American city government, but because in the United States 'the connection between local and national politics is peculiarly close' and the study of city politics 'affords exceptional opportunities to generalize about American political culture, American democracy and democracy in general'2 it may be assumed that much of what is said will apply to American government generally. Moreover, the discussion will in any case inevitably embrace some of the relevant literature on national government and democratic theory generally. Since all accounts that are of any value of the political system of another country

Progressives and Prohibitionists: Texas Democrats in the Wilson Era,

Abstract: This prize-winning account offers a well-written narrative of the Democratic party in Texas during the years when Prohibition dominated the political scene.

Direct Action and Liberal Democracy

Abstract: 1. The Meaning of direct action. 2. Direct Action in the Constitutional Tradition. 3. The Politics of Direct Action Campaigns. 4. Violence and Power. 5. Civil Disobedience and Constitutionalism 6. Direct action and liberal values. 7. Direct action and democracy. Conclusion.

Christian democracy in France

Abstract: 1. Origins of Christian Democracy in France 2. Christian Democratic Doctrine and Constitutional Theory 3. The Mouvement Republicain Populaire (MRP) 4. Economic and Social Policy 5. Agriculture 6. Foreign Policy 7. Colonial Policy 8. Christian Democracy in the Fifth Republic