scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

Showing papers on "Diplomacy published in 2006"


Book
01 Dec 2006
TL;DR: Lancaster as mentioned in this paper provides a comprehensive answer to the question of why governments give foreign aid, arguing that domestic politics and international pressures combine to shape how and why donor governments give aid.
Abstract: A twentieth-century innovation, foreign aid has become a familiar and even expected element in international relations. But scholars and government officials continue to debate why countries provide it: some claim that it is primarily a tool of diplomacy, some argue that it is largely intended to support development in poor countries, and still others point out its myriad newer uses. Carol Lancaster effectively puts this dispute to rest here by providing the most comprehensive answer yet to the question of why governments give foreign aid. She argues that because of domestic politics in aid-giving countries, it has always been-and will continue to be-used to achieve a mixture of different goals. Drawing on her expertise in both comparative politics and international relations and on her experience as a former public official, Lancaster provides five in-depth case studies-the United States, Japan, France, Germany, and Denmark-that demonstrate how domestic politics and international pressures combine to shape how and why donor governments give aid. In doing so, she explores the impact on foreign aid of political institutions, interest groups, and the ways governments organize their giving. Her findings provide essential insight for scholars of international relations and comparative politics, as well as anyone involved with foreign aid or foreign policy.

425 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that Chinese oil diplomacy in Africa has two main goals: in the short-term to secure oil supplies to help feed growing domestic demand back in China; and in the long-term, to position China as a global player in the international oil market.
Abstract: Within the next five years, Chinese trade with Africa is predicted to reach $100 billion per year. Much of this springs from China's growing expansion into Africa's oil markets. It is argued that Chinese oil diplomacy in Africa has two main goals: in the short-term to secure oil supplies to help feed growing domestic demand back in China; and in the long-term, to position China as a global player in the international oil market. Yet at the same time, this oil safari is being accompanied by an explicit stance that emphasizes state sovereignty and ‘non-interference’ in domestic affairs and is wholly disinterested in transparency or human rights. Consequently, Beijing has increasingly been accused of turning a blind eye to autocracy and corruption. China is also threatening to undercut efforts by the African Union and its western partners to make government and business more accountable. While China is providing investment where little was previously forthcoming, concerns about Beijing's engagement with Africa's oil industries need to be resolved, not least by African leaders themselves.

335 citations


BookDOI
24 Feb 2006
TL;DR: J. L'Etang, M. Puchan, and M. Pieczka, "Chemistry" and the Public Relations Industry: An Exploration of the Concept of Jursidiction and Issues Arising as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Contents: Preface. Introduction. Part I: Rhetoric, Ethics, Propaganda, and Publics. K. Weaver, J. Motion, J. Roper, From Propaganda to Discourse (and Back Again): Truth, Power, the Public Interest, and Public Relations. J. L'Etang, Public Relations and Propaganda: Conceptual Issues, Methodological Problems, and Public Relations Discourse. A. Surma, Challenging Unreliable Narrators: Writing and Public Relations. J. Jahansoozi, Relationships, Transparency, and Evaluation: The Implications for Public Relations. K. Demetrious, Active Voices. Part II: Histories. H. Puchan, An Intellectual History of German Public Relations. L. Larsson, Public Relations and Democracy: A Swedish Perspective. J. L'Etang, Public Relations as Theatre: Key Players in the Evolution of British Public Relations. D.J. Tilson, Devotional-Promotional Communication and Santiago: A Thousand-Year Public Relations Campaign for Saint James and Spain. Part III: New Directions. R. Kilborn, A Marriage Made in Heaven or in Hell?: Relations Between Documentary Filmmakers and PR Practitioners. V. Campbell, Science, Public Relations, and the Media: Problems of Knowledge and Interpretation. R. Boyle, R. Haynes, The Football Industry and Public Relations. J. L'Etang, Public Relations in Sport, Health, and Tourism. Part IV: Professionalism and Professionalisation. M. Pieczka, J. L'Etang, Public Relations and the Question of Professionalism. M. Pieczka, Public Relations Expertise in Practice. M. Pieczka, "Chemistry" and the Public Relations Industry: An Exploration of the Concept of Jursidiction and Issues Arising. Part V: Critical Perspectives Revisited. M. Pieczka, Paradigms, Systems Theory, and Public Relations. J. L'Etang, Public Relations and Rhetoric. J. L'Etang, Public Relations as Diplomacy. P. Meech, Corporate Identity and Corporate Image. J. L'Etang, Corporate Responsibility and Public Relations Ethics. M. Pieczka, Public Opinion and Public Relations. J. L'Etang, M. Pieczka, Public Relations Education.

179 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Shambaugh and Shambaugh as discussed by the authors discuss the role of China in the early twenty-first century in Asia and discuss the implications of China's rise in Asia for the United States.
Abstract: Acknowledgments Contributors Introduction: The Rise of China and Asia's New Dynamics David Shambaugh PART ONE: CHINA AND THE CHANGING ASIAN LANDSCAPE 1. Return to the Middle Kingdom? China and Asia in the Early Twenty-first Century David Shambaugh 2. China's Regional Strategy Zhang Yunling and Tang Shiping PART TWO: THE ECONOMIC DIMENSION 3. China's Regional Trade and Investment Profile Hideo Ohashi 4. China's Regional Economies and the Asian Region: Building Interdependent Linkages Robert F. Ash PART THREE: POLITICS AND DIPLOMACY 5. China-Japan Relations: Downward Spiral or a New Equilibrium? Mike M. Mochizuki 6. China's Ascendancy and the Korean Peninsula: From Interest Reevaluation to Strategic Realignment? Jae Ho Chung 7. Taiwan Faces China: Attraction and Repulsion Richard Bush 8. China and Southeast Asia: The Context of a New Beginning Wang Gungwu 9. China's Influence in Central and South Asia: Is It Increasing? John W. Garver 10. China and Russia: Normalizing Their Strategic Partnership Yu Bin PART FOUR: SECURITY 11. China's Evolving Regional Security Strategy Bates Gill 12. China's Regional Military Posture Michael D. Swaine PART FIVE: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UNITED STATES 13. China's Regional Strategy and Why It May Not Be Good for America Robert Sutter 14. China's Rise in Asia Need Not Be at America's Expense David M. Lampton PART SIX: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE ASIAN REGION 15. The Transformation of the Asian Security Order: Assessing China's Impact Jonathan D. Pollack 16. The Evolving Asian Order: The Accommodation of Rising Chinese Power Michael Yahuda

114 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the reasons why Indian negotiators show such willingness to "Just Say No" across international negotiations and identify the conditions under which India's negotiating strategies might change from its traditional nay-saying to a more proactive and easier engagement with the developed world.
Abstract: India is finally on the rise. It is increasingly recognized as an ‘emerging power’ and a ‘pivotal state’, and receives invitations to the major fora for international negotiations (such as the G8, or small group consultations within the WTO) that are commensurate with this recognition. Interesting, however, belying all predictions and often at considerable cost to itself, even the rising India continues to adhere to features of its old, Third Worldist, defensive style of diplomacy. This article examines the reasons why Indian negotiators show such willingness to ‘Just Say No’ across international negotiations. It focuses on India's negotiation strategies in the regimes of trade and nuclear non-proliferation. The article argues that the sources of India's nay-saying have deeper roots than accounts of bureaucratic politics and domestic interest groups would suggest. It also analyzes some recent changes in India's negotiating positions, and argues that it is still too early to speculate on how meaningful or longlasting these changes might be. Finally, the article identifies the conditions under which India's negotiating strategies might change from its traditional nay-saying to a more proactive and easier engagement with the developed world.

98 citations


MonographDOI
01 Jan 2006
TL;DR: Maoz argues that Israel's national security policy rests on a trigger-happy approach to the use of force combined with a hesitant and reactive peace diplomacy, resulting in unnecessary or aggressive wars and missed opportunities for peace as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Most of the wars in which Israel has been involved were the result of Israeli aggression, flawed decision making, and conflict management strategies, or were otherwise avoidable. According to esteemed scholar and policy analyst Zeev Maoz, Israel's war experience is a story of folly, recklessness, and self-made traps. None of the wars - with the possible exception of the 1948 War of Independence - were what Israelis call wars of necessity. They were all wars of choice or folly. "Defending the Holy Land" is a comprehensive and critical analysis of Israel's national security and foreign policy from the inception of the state of Israel to the present. In these pages, Maoz argues that Israel's national security policy rested on a trigger-happy approach to the use of force combined with a hesitant and reactive peace diplomacy. This combination was facilitated by the domination of the security establishment over the foreign policy apparatus, resulting in unnecessary or aggressive wars and missed opportunities for peace. Ultimately, "Defending the Holy Land" calls for a fundamental reassessment of Israel's security doctrine and for a major reform in the foreign policy and national security establishments.

97 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
19 Jul 2006-Survival
TL;DR: Rice's and Hughes's recent travels to further American diplomacy and improve the image of the United States seem Sisyphean as mentioned in this paper, and at every turn the situation seems hopeless.
Abstract: US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's and Under Secretary Karen Hughes's recent travels to further American diplomacy and improve the image of the United States seem Sisyphean. At every turn the...

89 citations


Book
01 Jan 2006
TL;DR: In this article, the last century of Byzantine Syria: a reinterpretation Gerasa and Scythopolis: power and patronage in the Byzantine cities of Bilad al-Sham, and the impact of Muslim rule on the pattern of rural settlement in Syria from Antiquity to Islam in the cities of al-Andalus and al-Mashriq The Melkite church from the Islamic conquest to the Crusades: continuity and adaptation in Byzantine legacy Antioch: from Byzantium to Islam and back again
Abstract: Contents: Preface From Polis to Madina: urban change in late Antique and early Islamic Syria The last century of Byzantine Syria: a reinterpretation Gerasa and Scythopolis: power and patronage in the Byzantine cities of Bilad al-Sham The impact of Muslim rule on the pattern of rural settlement in Syria From Antiquity to Islam in the cities of al-Andalus and al-Mashriq The Melkite church from the Islamic conquest to the Crusades: continuity and adaptation in the Byzantine legacy Antioch: from Byzantium to Islam and back again The Arab-Byzantine frontier in the 8th and 9th centuries: military organisation and society in the borderlands Byzantine-Arab diplomacy in the Near East from the Islamic conquests to the mid 11th century Central government and provincial A(c)lites in the early 'Abbasid caliphate Military pay and the economy of the early Islamic state Caliphs and their chroniclers in the middle Abbasid period (3rd/9th century) The Uqaylids of Mosul: the origins and structure of a nomad dynasty The decline and fall of the first Muslim empire Index.

87 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In 2007, a conference on Public Diplomacy was held at Wilton Park, the conference centre of the United Kingdom's Foreign and Commonwealth Office as discussed by the authors, and a lively discussion emerged around the future of PD.
Abstract: In March 2007, a conference on Public Diplomacy was held at Wilton Park, the conference centre of the United Kingdom’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Public Diplomacy practitioners and academics from several different countries attended the event, and a lively discussion emerged around the future of PD. One strand of the debate that particularly interested me centred on the connection between PD and competitive identity.

84 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Jian Wang1
TL;DR: The authors discusses the importance of sub-national actors' engagement in the process of public diplomacy and nation branding, and argues that public diplomacy must be pursued at multiple levels, with subnational participation being most effective in building mutual understanding and relationships.
Abstract: The post-9/11 world has brought public diplomacy back into the spotlight; yet the burden of winning the hearts and minds of foreign publics can no longer solely fall on the national government. Building upon the literature in international relations and communication, this paper discusses the vital importance of sub-national actors' engagement in the process of public diplomacy and nation branding. It explains the rationale for such involvement as well as delineating the possible roles they may play in the communication process. It argues that public diplomacy must be pursued at multiple levels, with sub-national participation being most effective in building mutual understanding and relationships. The analysis and propositions are not only theoretically important in the debate on the role of public diplomacy in nation branding and communication, but also have public policy implications in the design and execution of these programmes.

74 citations


Book
01 Jan 2006
TL;DR: This paper provided a look into the motivations, perceptions, and domestic politics swirling around Iran's nuclear program and diplomacy, and provided a history of Iran's program and its subsequent negotiations with the United States.
Abstract: Provides a look into the motivations, perceptions, and domestic politics swirling around Iran. This book details the history of Iran's nuclear program and diplomacy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the origins of sanitary conferences and highlights certain features that have been neglected in existing scholarship and argues that while commercial pressures were the main stimuli to the reform of quarantine, these were insufficient in themselves to explain why most European nations came to see greater cooperation as desirable.
Abstract: During the early nineteenth century, European nations began to contemplate cooperation in sanitary matters, starting a diplomatic process that culminated in the International Sanitary Conferences and the first laws on the control of infectious disease. This article examines the origins of these conferences and highlights certain features that have been neglected in existing scholarship. It argues that while commercial pressures were the main stimuli to the reform of quarantine, these were insufficient in themselves to explain why most European nations came to see greater cooperation as desirable. It places special emphasis on the diplomatic context and shows that the peace of 1815 produced a climate in which many European nations envisaged a more systematic and liberal sanitary regime.

Book
22 Mar 2006
TL;DR: Ingebritsen as discussed by the authors defined contributions to the literature and defined the Small State Debate and the role of small states in the European Union, focusing on the power of states in international relations.
Abstract: Introduction: Lilliputians in Gulliver's World? / Iver B. Neumann and Sieglinde Gstohl Part I: Defining Contributions to the Literature1. The Power of Small States: Diplomacy in World War II / Annette Baker Fox2. Lilliputians' Dilemmas: Small States in International Politics / Robert O. Keohane3. The Inequality of States: A Study of the Small Power in International Relations / David Vital4. Micro-states: the Principality of Liechtenstein / Jorri DuursmaPart II: Refining the Small State Debate5. Weak States in the International System / Michael Handel6. Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe / Peter J. Katzenstein7. The Role of Small States in the European Union / Baldur ThrohallssonPart III: Small State Capacity in International Relations8. Learning, Realism, and Alliances: The Weight of the Shadow of the Past / Dan Reiter9. Norm Entrepreneurs: Scandinavia's Role in World Politics / Christine IngebritsenConclusion: Learning from Lilliput / Christine IngebritsenAnnotated Bibliography / Jessica BeyerContributorsIndex

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that China's foreign policy behavior has been influenced by growing energy dependence, and that China can pursue energy security through strategies that result in conflict; alternatively, energy vulnerability might lead it toward cooperation with rival oil consuming nations through participation in multilateral organizations and other forums.
Abstract: This paper argues that China’s foreign policy behavior has been influenced by growing energy dependence. As a major importer, China can pursue energy security through strategies that result in conflict; alternatively, energy vulnerability might lead it toward cooperation with rival oil consuming nations through participation in multilateral organizations and other forums. After outlining the argument for the strategic nature of energy, China’s increasing energy dependence is assessed, as are Beijing’s efforts to shift China’s energy balance. China’s energy diplomacy with the Middle East, Russia and Central Asia, the Asia-Pacific, Africa and Latin America are examined, and Beijing’s efforts toward greater energy security through multilateral organizations are discussed. The evidence supports the liberal hypothesis that economic interdependence promotes international cooperation. Energy demands have accelerated China’s rise to global prominence, and appear to moderate conflictual aspects of Chinese foreign policy.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, a set of possibilities as a disaster diplomacy toolkit from which tools could be selected to develop action frameworks that are specific to each situation and to each actor's interests.
Abstract: To define and explore disaster diplomacy, the initial question asked was "Do natural disasters induce international cooperation amongst countries that have traditionally been 'enemies'?" (1) Could disaster-related activities, both pre-disaster such as mitigation and prevention and post-disaster such as response and recovery, positively affect relations amongst states which are not normally prone to cooperation? The term "enemy" thus has a wide remit, which is not confined to violent conflict, but refers to states that are not collaborating diplomatically or politically. The first examples that were explored include the earthquakes in Greece and Turkey in 1999, monitoring hurricanes which could hit both Cuba and the United States and preventing a drought disaster across southern Africa. (2) One conclusion from these analyses is that a disaster can significantly spur on a diplomatic process that had a preexisting basis, but a disaster alone is unlikely to generate new diplomacy. Disaster-related activities can catalyze, but do not create, cooperation. Since this study, discussion about disaster diplomacy has widened with a growing set of case studies and theoretical analyses. (3) This further work led to a new core question evolving from the one above, namely "Can disaster-related activities induce cooperation amongst enemy countries?" Other disaster diplomacy case studies which were analyzed include the rapprochement between India and Pakistan following the 26 January 2001 earthquake. (4) Additionally, the United States aided Iran after the 26 December 2003 earthquake. (5) The 26 December 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami in the context of conflicts in Sri Lanka and Aceh, Indonesia were also examined. (6) The case of international aid offered to the United States after Hurricane Katrina in August-September 2005 was also scrutinized. (7) Categorization of disaster diplomacy in its different forms provides a solid basis for understanding the theory and characteristics of disaster diplomacy which are then applied to analyzing case studies and spin-offs. This literature, however, provides limited discussion regarding how disaster diplomacy might be operationalized; that is, how to turn the knowledge, theory and experience into action. This paper contributes to filling that gap by identifying pathways of disaster diplomacy which could occur or which could be selected. While a specific framework of action would be the ideal outcome, this paper shows that complexities and diversity of experiences make it challenging to formulate and defend a framework of action for disaster diplomacy. Instead, this paper provides a set of possibilities as a disaster diplomacy toolkit from which tools could be selected to develop action frameworks that are specific to each situation and to each actor's interests. The toolkit consists of pathways that either promote or inhibit disaster diplomacy. The following sections summarize past work, elaborate on disaster diplomacy theory by providing a new typology, and place the new theory in the context of two recent case studies: India-Pakistan following the 8 October 2005 earthquake and Ethiopia-Eritrea from 1999 to 2002 during droughts. Next, practical ways of using or not using disaster diplomacy are described by exploring disaster diplomacy failings and how those failings can be overcome. The disaster diplomacy toolkit is also detailed. The paper concludes by summarizing the limitations and prospects of disaster diplomacy. Overall, disaster diplomacy has a significant impact, but realistic expectations are necessary to understand what this process can and cannot do--and what it should and should not do. PREVIOUS DISASTER DIPLOMACY WORK Previous disaster diplomacy work focused on three main areas. The first area is case study analyses, examining where and how disaster diplomacy has been observed or attempted. Examples are given above, such as Cuba-U.S. …

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Monroe Doctrine as discussed by the authors was proposed by James Monroe in the U.S. Congress in 1823, and it became a rhetorical style associated many years later with similar pronouncements during the Cold War and after.
Abstract: The Monroe Doctrine as articulated before the U.S. Congress in 1823 established a rhetorical style associated many years later with similar pronouncements during the Cold War and after. Typically couched in the language of idealism and high principle, such affirmations of presidential purpose often purported to advance the cause of humankind, or at least a substantial portion thereof, by upholding values such as freedom, democracy, and peace. Such language sometimes served as a cover for less ennobling purposes connected with the defense of strategic and economic interests and usually contained some kind of threat to take countermeasures if other nations went beyond what the United States regarded as the appropriate bounds. The Monroe Doctrine also instituted a pattern by affirming defensive objectives. Over the years, James Monroe's doctrine took on various meanings and implications, depending upon shifting policies and preferences, but nevertheless consistently served as a mainstay in the articulation of U.S. goals and purposes in the Western Hemisphere. Three stood out among them. Policy makers wanted to keep out the Europeans, to safeguard order and stability in areas of special concern, and to ensure open access to markets and resources. To be sure, the means of implementation varied from time to time, but the pursuit of these objectives remained much the same. Underlying them, another constant projected a sense of racist condescension. Usually viewed as unruly children in need of discipline and direction, according to a prevailing assumption among U.S. policy makers, Latin Americans could not function without paternalistic oversight and supervision. The Monroe Doctrine emerged in response to the exigencies of European politics at the end of the Napoleonic Wars. In efforts to put the world back together again, the Great Powers, that is, the Austrians, Prussians, Russians, and British, under the terms of the Treaty of Paris in 1815 formed the Quadruple Alliance, an alignment committed to peace, order, and the status quo. Three years later, it turned into the Quintuple Alliance with the admission of France, a newly rehabilitated monarchy under the restored Bourbon kings. For good reason in the aftermath of the French upheaval, European leaders feared the threat of revolution more than most things. Consequently at the Congress of Troppau in 1820, they agreed forcibly to put down insurrectionist activities whenever and wherever necessary. Soon after, in 1821, Austrian armies suppressed a series of revolts in Italy. A year later French forces took action against an uprising in Spain. The Europeans also supported the Ottoman Turks in efforts to snuff out a rebellion in Greece. Such actions caused John Quincy Adams, the U.S. secretary of state, to wonder whether the Great Powers also might harbor similar ambitions in the New World, possibly to reinstate the Spanish American empire. The Latin American wars for independence inspired a great deal of interest among citizens of the United States. Indeed, many, such as Congressman Henry Clay of Kentucky, regarded them as conscious attempts to emulate the American Revolution. As Clay observed in 1818, Latin American leaders such as Simon Bolivar and Joss de San Martin have "adopted our principles, copied our institutions and ... employed the very language and sentiments of our revolutionary papers." Such perceptions probably attributed too much importance to the U.S. example and not enough to indigenous circumstances, but nevertheless they indicated high levels of popular enthusiasm. For U.S. leaders, in contrast, realpolitik governed official reactions. The negotiation of the 1819 Transcontinental Treaty with Spain leading to the acquisition of the Floridas preoccupied Secretary Adams. Premature recognition of the newly independent Latin American states might alienate Spanish leaders and ruin his diplomacy. While wishing Spanish Americans well, he put scant faith in their ability to establish "free or liberal institutions of government. …

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that the traditional models of public diplomacy continue to circulate in current public diplomacy efforts and that the need to apply a culture-centered approach in conducting international public diplomacy is emphasized.
Abstract: A growing body of literature in the field of public relations has delved into the topic of public diplomacy; this growing interest in public diplomacy is juxtaposed in the backdrop of the recent increase in U.S. public diplomacy efforts in the Middle East. Based on a critical analysis of U.S. pubic diplomacy strategies in the Middle East, the author argues that the traditional models of public diplomacy continue to circulate in current public diplomacy efforts. Drawing on a ritual model of communication and building on the theory of communicative action, the author articulates the need to apply a culture-centered approach in conducting international public diplomacy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Gates and Oresman as mentioned in this paper analyzed the breadth of issues in Sino-Central Asian relations, inspired by the proceedings of a conference on the topic, and the most exhaustive work on the subject failed to place Chinese interests in Central Asia into either a theoretical or clear policy framework and calculus.
Abstract: The past decade has witnessed a fundamental shift in Chinese foreign policy. Its involvement in the Six-Party Talks on North Korea, ASEAN, the ASEAN Regional Forum, as well as warming relations with the US and Russia, indicate a more assertive and responsible international diplomacy. One of the rapidly emerging arenas of China’s new posture is Central Asia, where, with Russia, it codominates the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), a nascent multilateral venture. It has also greatly increased its energy imports from the region and has sought cooperation on a number of political issues. Throughout its history, the PRC has done little to influence Central Asia, partly due to its own instability along its periphery, and internal problems in the Chinese heartland. However, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, China has instituted warm relations with each of these four newly independent Central Asian states.1 Few scholars have thoroughly examined this emerging phenomenon, particularly since 2001, even though it remains crucial for understanding China’s regional strategy. Of note, two works are both comprehensive in scope and take into account the significant changes since 2001 in Sino-Central Asian relations, such as the SCO founding in 2001, 9/11 and improved USChina relations. In the first of the most recent works, Bates Gill and Matthew Oresman analyze the breadth of issues in Sino-Central Asian relations, inspired by the proceedings of a conference on the topic.2 Their book, while the first to incorporate changes stemming from 2001 and the most exhaustive work on the subject, fails to place Chinese interests in Central Asia into either a theoretical or clear policy framework and calculus. This omission is certainly not a reflection of the authors’ analysis or knowledge of the subject, but of their desire to reflect the scope of ideas and policy implications stemming from the conference. A second work, by Niklas Swanstrom, ______________________

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The story of how Euro-American lawyers that dominated the field of international law sought to transcend the chaos of war by "moving to institutions" has been told elsewhere and needs no repeating here as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: International organizations (or IOs)—intergovernmental entities established by treaty, usually composed of permanent secretariats, plenary assemblies involving all member states, and executive organs with more limited participation—are a twentieth-century phenomenon having little in common with earlier forms of institutionalized cooperation, including those in the ancient world. The story of how, shortly after the turn of the last century, the Euro-American lawyers that dominated the field of international law sought to transcend the chaos of war by “moving to institutions” has been told elsewhere and needs no repeating here. David Kennedy, Martti Koskenniemi, and David Bederman, among others, have described the disparate individuals, separated by nationality, juridical philosophy, and competing “idealist”/“realist” schools of thought, who nevertheless shared a messianic, quasi-religious, and coherent “internationalist sensibility” that sought to institutionalize multilateral diplomacy with a view to promoting civilization and progress. Kennedy locates the move to international organization in turn-of-the-century reformist aspirations for parliamentary, administrative, and judicial mechanisms that, in the Victorian language of the day, would convert “passion into reason.” By the time this Journal was established, the Congress of Vienna’s concert system had provided a model for an incipient (albeit only periodic) pseudo-parliament; diverse public administrative unions and river commissions suggested the possibilities for international administration and even the interstate pooling of funds; and the Permanent Court of Arbitration presaged an international judiciary.

Book
01 Jan 2006
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present the Greek case, the Turkish case, and the Convention of the League of Nations (ConvNets) as a set of international institutions.
Abstract: Introduction Part 1: Diplomacy 1. Introduction 2. The Greek Case 3. The Turkish Case 4. Conclusion Part 2: Displacement 5. Introduction 6. The Convention: The Beginning of the End 7. The Refugee Plight 8. Regimenting the Exchange: Institutions 9. Conclusion

Book
18 Dec 2006
TL;DR: In this article, Raaflaub et al. presented a survey of the history of conflict and reconciliation in the ancient world, focusing on war, reconciliation, and international law.
Abstract: Notes on Contributors. 1. Introduction: Searching for Peace in the Ancient World: Kurt A. Raaflaub (Brown University). 2. Making War and Making Peace in Early China: Robin D. S. Yates (McGill University in Montreal). 3. Ancient India: Peace Within and War Without: Richard Salomon (University of Pennsylvania). 4. Water under the Straw: Peace in Mesopotamia: Benjamin R. Foster (Yale University). 5. Making, Preserving, and Breaking the Peace with the Hittite State: Richard Beal (University of Chicago). 6. Conflict and Reconciliation in the Ancient Middle East: The Clash of Egyptian and Hittite Chariots in Syria and the World's First Peace Treaty between "Superpowers": Lanny Bell (Brown University). 7. From Achaemenid Imperial Order to Sasanian Diplomacy: War, Peace, and Reconciliation in Pre-Islamic Iran: Josef Wiesehofer (University of Munster). 8. War and Reconciliation in the Traditions of Ancient Israel: Historical, Literary, and Ideological Considerations: Susan Niditch (Amherst College). 9. "They Shall Beat their Swords into Plowshares": A Vision of Peace through Justice and Its Background in the Hebrew Bible: Thomas Kruger (University of Zurich). 10. 'Laughing for Joy': War and Peace Among the Greeks: Lawrence Tritle (University of Chicago). 11. War and Reconciliation in Greek Literature: David Konstan (Brown University). 12. War, Peace, and International Law in Ancient Greece: Victor Alonso (University of La Coruna in Spain). 13. War and Peace, Fear and Reconciliation at Rome: Nathan Rosenstein (Ohio State University). 14. The Price of Peace in Ancient Rome: Carlin A. Barton (University of Massachusetts at Amherst). 15. The Gates of War (and Peace): Roman Literary Perspectives: Jeri DeBrohun (Brown University). 16. Early Christian Views on Violence, War, and Peace: Louis Swift (University of Kentucky). 17. Fight for God-But Do So with Kindness: Reflections on War, Peace, and Communal Identity in Early Islam: Fred M. Donner (University of Chicago). 18. Peace, Reconciliation, and Alliance in Aztec Mexico: Ross Hassig (independent scholar). 19. War and Peace in the Inca Heartland: Catherine Julien (Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo). 20. The Long Peace Among Iroquois Nation: Neta C. Crawford (Boston University).

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the primary aim for such a shift was economic, as India reassessed its position globally and regionally, putting economic relations at the centre of its foreign policy formulation and engendering India's "pipeline diplomacy".
Abstract: Over decades India and Myanmar had hardly any relations. To a large degree this was due to India's outdated model ofNehruvian ideals in its foreign policy formulation. Recent research, however, has pointed towards a shift in Indo-Burmese relations. This article analysse the reasons for such a shift, placing them in the larger context of the reframing of India's foreign policy objectives under the BJP-led NDA government in the late 1990s. These new priorities have been upheld by the Congress led government since the elections in 2004. The article argues that the primary aim for such a shift was economic, as India reassessed its position globally and regionally, putting economic relations at the centre of its foreign policy formulation and engendering India's "pipeline diplomacy". It looks in detail at the geo-politics of energy and how energy security is now playing a major role in international relations in South Asia. It then describes India's energy needs, focusing in particular on gas, which is at the origin of the pipeline diplomacy and its increasing interest in relations with nations rich in gas and oil. It ends by assessing what impact India's pipeline diplomacy could have on the wider Southeast Asian region, with special regard to ASEAN.

MonographDOI
31 Jan 2006
TL;DR: Gateway to Japan as discussed by the authors spotlights four categories of cross-cultural interaction -war, diplomacy, piracy, and trade - over a period of eight hundred years to gain insight into several larger questions about Japan and its place in the world.
Abstract: A thousand years ago, most visitors to Japan would have arrived by ship at Hakata Bay, the one and only authorized gateway to Japan. Over the ages, Hakata was a staging ground for Japanese troops on their way to Korea and ground zero for foreign invasions of Japan. Through the port passed a rich variety of diplomats, immigrants, raiders, and traders, both Japanese and foreign. "Gateway to Japan" spotlights four categories of cross-cultural interaction - war, diplomacy, piracy, and trade - over a period of eight hundred years to gain insight into several larger questions about Japan and its place in the world: How and why did Hakata come to serve as the country's "front door"? How did geography influence the development of state and society in the Japanese archipelago? Has Japan been historically open or closed to outside influence? Why are Japanese so profoundly ambivalent about other places and people? Individual chapters focus on Chinese expansionism and its consequences for Japan and East Asia as a whole; the subtle (and not-so-subtle) contradictions and obfuscations of the diplomatic process as seen in Japanese treatment of Korean envoys visiting Kyushu; random but sometimes devastating attacks on Kyushu by Korean (and sometimes Japanese) pirates; and foreign commerce in and around Hakata, which turns out to be neither fully "foreign" nor fully "commerce" in the modern sense of the word. The conclusion briefly traces the story forward into medieval and early modern times.


Book
02 Jun 2006
TL;DR: The most important single aspect of our Foreign Policy? The Eisenhower Administration, Foreign Aid, and the Developing World Part II: Globalizing the Cold War: Asia after Korea Part III: Globalization Continues: Bandung, Africa, and Latin America as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Introduction: Thinking Globally and Acting Locally Part I: Instruments of a Global Policy: Propaganda, Covert Operations, and Aid Chapter 1: Words and Deeds: Race, Colonialism, and Eisenhower's Propaganda War in the Third World Chapter 2: The Central Intelligence Agency and the Face of Decolonization under the Eisenhower Administration Chapter 3: The Most Important Single Aspect of Our Foreign Policy? The Eisenhower Administration, Foreign Aid, and the Developing World Part II: Globalizing the Cold War: Asia after Korea Chapter 4: The Point of No Return: The Eisenhower Administration and Indonesia, 1953-1960 Chapter 5: Building a Colony: South Vietnam and the Eisenhower Administration, 1953-1961 Chapter 6: Militant Diplomacy: The Taiwan Strait Crises and Sino-American Relations, 1954-1958 Part III: Globalization Continues: Bandung, Africa, and Latin America Chapter 7: Small Victory, Missed Chance: The Eisenhower Administration, the Bandung Conference, and the Turning of the Cold War Chapter 8: A Torrent Overrunning Everything: Africa and the Eisenhower Administration Chapter 9: Persistent Condor and Predatory Eagle: The Bolivian Revolution and the United States Part IV: The Globalized Cold War in the Middle East Chapter 10: The United States and Israel in the Eisenhower Era: The Special Relationship Revisited Chapter 11: Middle East Cold Wars: Oil and Arab Nationalism in U.S.-Iraqi Relations, 1958-1961 Conclusion: The Devil is in the Details: Eisenhower, Dulles, and the Third World

Journal Article
TL;DR: Cultural diplomacy is the diplomatic activities of a sovereign state aiming at securing the cultural interests and achieving foreign cultural strategies under the direction of certain cultural policies as mentioned in this paper, its main feature is "peace" or "flexibility".
Abstract: Accompanying economic globalization and political polarization,the whole world is moving in the direction of cultural diversification,and cultural diplomacy is becoming increasingly important.Cultural diplomacy is the diplomatic activities of a sovereign state aiming at securing the cultural interests and achieving foreign cultural strategies under the direction of certain cultural policies.Its main feature is "peace" or "flexibility".Cultural diplomacy has three different forms.In modern times,culture used to be the background of diplomacy;in contemporary times,culture is the means of diplomacy;while in the future globalization era,culture will be the target of diplomacy.Cultural diplomacy is the majority consisting to an important part of diplomacy.At the same time,the monolithic diplomacy is guiding and restricting cultural diplomacy.

01 Nov 2006
TL;DR: De Gucht as discussed by the authors presented a speech during the inauguration of the EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies program in Bruges, Belgium, on 15 November 2006, which was the first speech delivered by a Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Abstract: Speech delivered by H.E. Karel De Gucht, Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, during the inauguration of the EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies programme in Bruges on 15 November 2006.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors explores alternative cultures of diplomacy that have been neglected in diplomatic studies and global politics, and examines three specific functions of homo-diplomacy: reverse accreditation, introspective negotiation, and gnostic discourse.
Abstract: This article explores alternative cultures of diplomacy that have been neglected in diplomatic studies and global politics. It is concerned firstly with the human dimension of diplomacy, that is to say, the interpersonal dealings of the homo sapiens, or the experimental and experiential diplomacy of everyday life. It is concerned secondly with the spiritual and transformative potential of diplomacy, a form of diplomacy that engages in heterology to revisit and rearticulate homology, whose mission is not only, not just, the knowledge and control of the Other but fundamentally the knowledge of the Self and this knowledge of the Self as a more reflective means of dealing with and transforming relations with Others. The article examines three specific functions of homo-diplomacy: reverse accreditation, introspective negotiation, and gnostic discourse.

Book
15 May 2006
TL;DR: Feldman's "Diplomacy by Design" examines the profound connection between art produced during this period and its social context, revealing inanimate objects as catalysts or even participants in human dynamics.
Abstract: Art and international relations during the Late Bronze Age formed a symbiosis as expanded travel and written communications fostered unprecedented cultural exchange across the Mediterranean. Diplomacy in these new political and imperial relationships was often maintained through the exchange of lavish art objects and luxury goods. The items bestowed during this time shared a repertoire of imagery that modern scholars call the first International Style in the history of art. Marian H. Feldman's "Diplomacy by Design" examines the profound connection between art produced during this period and its social context, revealing inanimate objects as catalysts - or even participants - in human dynamics. Feldman's fascinating study shows the ways in which the exchange of these works of art actively mediated and strengthened political relations, intercultural interactions, and economic negotiations. Previous studies of this international style have focused almost exclusively on stylistic attribution at the expense of social contextualization. Written by a specialist in ancient near Eastern art and archaeology who has excavated and traveled extensively in this area of the world, "Diplomacy by Design" provides a much broader consideration of the symbolic power of material culture and its centrality in the construction of human relations.

Journal Article
TL;DR: The recent trajectories of China and India suggest strongly that these states will play a more powerful role in the world in the coming decades as discussed by the authors, with impacts potentially as dramatic as those in the two previous centuries.
Abstract: : One of the key milestones in world history has been the rise to prominence of new and influential states in world affairs. The recent trajectories of China and India suggest strongly that these states will play a more powerful role in the world in the coming decades. One recent analysis, for example, judges that "the likely emergence of China and India . . . as new global players--similar to the advent of a united Germany in the 19th century and a powerful United States in the early 20th century--will transform the geopolitical landscape, with impacts potentially as dramatic as those in the two previous centuries. India's rise, of course, has been heralded before--perhaps prematurely. However, its ascent now seems assured in light of changes in India's economic and political mind-set, especially the advent of better economic policies and a diplomacy emphasizing realism. More fundamentally, India's continued economic rise also is favored by the scale and intensity of globalization in the contemporary world. India also is no longer geopolitically contained in South Asia, as it was in the Cold War, when its alignment with the Soviet Union caused the United States and China, with the help of Pakistan, to contain India. Finally, the sea change in Indian-U.S. relations, especially since 9/11, has made it easier for India to enter into close political and security cooperation with America's friends and allies in the Asia-Pacific.