Showing papers on "Dominion published in 2000"

Multiculturalism and the History of Canadian Diversity

Abstract: * Introduction* The Problem of the Problem of Diversity* Terminological Issues* The Field of Canadian Diversity* Some Methodological Concerns* Canadian Diversity in State Policy* Canadian Diversity in Popular Culture* Canadian Diversity and the Academy* Identity, Identification, and the Desire for Recognition* Nation and State, Power and Resistance* Delimiting the Field* European Antecedents to the Problem of Canadian Diversity* How Difference Changes, How It Remains the Same* Herodotus, Father of Ethnography* Ancient Ionian Hellenism and the Destruction of the Inferior Other* Incorporation of the Other in Roman Imperialism* Early Christianity: The Missionary Urge* Renaissance Exploration and the New World 'Savage'* From Prehistory to History: A Summary of European Contributions to the Problem of Canadian Diversity* Two 'Canadian' Solutions to the Problem of Diversity* The First Others of the New World* Conversion and Extermination: The Cases of the Huron and the Iroquois* The coureurs de bois as a Repressed Hybrid Identity* The System of Difference in French Colonial Discourse* How Canada Became British* Ignorance and Extermination in the New Founde Landes* Microcontrol and Hybridity: The Hudson's Bay Company and the British Fur Trade* The Early Colonial History of Canadian Diversity* Repetition and Failure in British North America* The Conquest of New France* The Emergence of the Two Founding Races* Rational-Bureaucratic Tutelage: The Indian Problem under British Rule* Group Identity in British Canada* The Dominion of Canada and the Proliferation of Immigrant Otherness* Clearing the 'Empty' West* An Explosion of Racial Subject-Positions* Restoring Order: JS Woodsworth and the Great Chain of Race* Managing the Strangers within Our Gates: Assimilation, Transportation, Deportation, and Internment* Excluding the Strangers Without* Identity by Design in Early Twentieth-Century Canada* The Rise of the Mosaic Metaphor* Canadian Identity as an Emergent Phenomenon* The Canadian Mosaic as a Constrained Emergence Theory of Identity* Design, Designers, and the Social Sciences* WWII and the 'First Bureaucracy for Multiculturalism'* The Citizenship Machine* From Racial Assimilation to Cultural Integration* Unhappy Countriness: Multiculturalism as State Policy* The 'Liberalization' of Canadian Society* From Monopoly to Duopoly: The B & B Report* Multiculturalism in a Bilingual Framework as Strategic Simulation of Assimilation to the Other* Multiculturalism: Modern or Postmodern?* A Revaluation of Canadian Multiculturalism* A Critique of Kymlicka's Liberal Theory of Minority Rights* Charles Taylor and the Limits of Recognition* From Deep Diversity to Radical Imaginary Notes Bibliography Index

Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort

Abstract: Introduction. Rebellious Colonizers. The Real People. A Great Mongrel Military Despotism. The New Nationalism. 100 Percent Americanism. The Industrialist as Producer. Driving Out the Money Changers. Brown Scare, Red Scare. The Pillars of U.S. Populist Conspiracism. From Old Right to New Right. Culture Wars and Political Scapegoats. Dominion Theology and Christian Nationalism. New Faces for White Nationalism. Battling the New World Order. The Vast Clinton Conspiracy Machine. The New Millennium. Conclusions.

Uncommon Dominion: Venetian Crete and the Myth of Ethnic Purity

Abstract: From 1211 until its loss to the Ottomans in 1669, the Greek island we know as Crete was the Venetian colony of Candia. Ruled by a paid civil service fully accountable to the Venetian Senate, Candia was distinct from nearly every other colony of the medieval period for the unprecedented degree to which the colonial power was involved in its governance. Yet, for Sally McKee, the importance of the Cretan colony only begins with the anomalous manner of the Venetian state's rule. Uncommon Dominion tells the story of Venetian Crete, the home of two recognizably distinct ethnic communities, the Latins and the Greeks. The application of Venetian law to the colony made it possible for the colonial power to create and maintain a fiction of ethnic distinctness. The Greeks were subordinate to the Latins economically, politically, and juridically, yet within a century of Venetian colonization, the ethnic differences between Latin and Greek Cretans in daily material life were significantly blurred. Members of the groups intermarried, many of them learned each other's language, and some even chose to worship by the rites of the other's church. Holding up ample evidence of acculturation and miscegenation by the colony's inhabitants, McKee uncovers the colonial forces that promoted the persistence of ethnic labeling despite the lack of any clear demarcation between the two predominant communities. As McKee argues, the concept of ethnic identity was largely determined by gender, religion, and social status, especially by the Latin and Greek elites in their complex and frequently antagonistic social relationships. Drawing expertly from notarial and court records, as well as legislative and literary sources, Uncommon Dominion offers a unique study of ethnicity in the medieval and early modern periods. Students and scholars in medieval, colonial, and postcolonial studies will find much of use in studying this remarkable colonial experiment.

Defence and Decolonisation in South-East Asia: Britain, Malaya and Singapore 1941-1967

Abstract: Part I Background: 1 frameworks - policy making metropolitan politics economic benefits economic constraints and strategy strategic concepts 2 1942 and "the lessons' of Singapore": the fall of Singapore a dominion of South East Asia. Part II 1945-54: 3 regional ambitions and limited resources - SEAC to the Asian cold war Britain, the US and South East Asia Britain, Australia and South East Asia Songkhla and the external defence of Malaysia 4 a bottomless pit? forces and bases - Indian forces defending Malaya the Maylan emergency decolonization - unite and quit forces - British, local and naval. Part III 1955-57 - 1954 and continuity in the face of change, Dien Bien Phu to SEATO: Dien Bien Phu and the loss of Tonkin the Geneva conference the birth of SEATO change and continuity in British strategies change and continuity in Australian policies. Part IV 1955-57 Seato and regional policy - the Indochinese successor states the Bandung conference and SEATO SEATO policies Mederka and bases - Malaya, Singapore, Merger Australian responses to decolonization Mederka and forces - land and air forces the Royal Navy "East of Suez".

Dominion and civility : English imperialism and native America, 1585-1685

Abstract: Was the relationship between English settlers and Native Americans in the New World destined to turn tragic? This book investigates how the newcomers interacted with Algonquian groups in the Chesapeake Bay area and New England, describing the role that original Americans occupied in England's empire during the critical first century of contact. Michael Leroy Oberg considers the history of Anglo-Indian relations in transatlantic context while viewing the frontier as a zone where neither party had the upper hand. He tells how the English pursued three sets of policies in America-securing profit for their sponsors, making lands safe from both European and native enemies, and "civilizing" the Indians-and explains why the British settlers found it impossible to achieve all of these goals. Oberg places the history of Anglo-Indian relations in the early Chesapeake and New England in a broad transatlantic context while drawing parallels with subsequent efforts by England as well as its imperial rivals-the French, Dutch, and Spanish-to plant colonies in America. Dominion and Civility promises to broaden our understanding of the exchange between Europeans and Indians and makes an important contribution to the emerging history of the English Atlantic world.

South African British? Or Dominion South Africans? The Evolution of an Identity in the 1910s and 1920s

Abstract: (2000). South African British? Or Dominion South Africans? The Evolution of an Identity in the 1910s and 1920s. South African Historical Journal: Vol. 43, No. 1, pp. 197-222.

Florentine Tuscany: Structures and Practices of Power

Abstract: Preface William J. Connell 1. The 'material constitution' of the Florentine dominion Andrea Zorzi 2. The language of empire Alison Brown 3. Constitutional ambitions, legal realities and the Florentine state Jane Black 4. Fiscality, politics and dominion in Florentine Tuscany Giuseppe Petralia 5. Market structures Stephan R. Epstein 6. State-building, church reform and the politics of legitimacy David S. Peterson 7. The humanist citizen as provincial governor William J. Connell 8. Territorial offices and office holders Laura De Angelis 9. Demography and the politics of fiscality Samuel K. Cohn Jr 10. Florentines and the communities of the territorial state Patrizia Salvadori 11. Patronage and its role in government: the Florentine patriciate and Volterra Lorenzo Fabbri 12. San Miniato al Tedesco: the evolution of the political class Francesco Salvestrini 13. The social classes of Colle Val d'Elsa and the formation of the dominion Oretta Muzzi 14. Arezzo, the Medici and the Florentine regime Robert Black 15. Rubrics and requests: statutory division and supra-communal clientage in Pistoia Stephen J. Milner 16. A comment Giorgio Chittolini.

Slavery and the Politics of Taxation in the Early United States

Abstract: It is no longer newsworthy to say that the American Founding Fathers were implicated deeply in the institution of slavery as slaveowners, slave traders, or just silent collaborators.1. For modern historiography, the foundational text is Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: the Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: Norton, 1975), which answers Dr. Samuel Johnson's famous question: “How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty from the drivers of negroes?” See also Winthrop Jordan, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550–1812 (New York: Norton, 1968). For forceful recent statements, Paul Finkelman, “Jefferson and Slavery: OTreason Against the Hopes of the World',” in Jeffersonian Legacies, ed. Peter S. Onuf (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1993), 181–221; Conor Cruise O'Brien, The Long Affair: Thomas Jefferson and the French Revolution, 1785–1800 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996). For forceful older statements, Robert McColley, Slavery and Jeffersonian Virginia, 2d ed. (1964; Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973); Richard R. Beeman, The Old Dominion and the New Nation, 1788–1801 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1972). Sympathy endures, especially for Jefferson, as in the dismissal of Finkelman's essay as “the prosecution's case” in Herbert E. Sloan, Principle and Interest: Thomas Jefferson and the Problem of Debt (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 259 n.74. The fact that this could have seemed to be news in the 1970s and 1980s is, of course, a testament to the power of racism in American society for three centuries. The fact that Thomas Jefferson's DNA test could have shock value in the late-1990s may be even worse.2. See, e.g., the cover story, Barbra Murray, et al., “Jefferson's Secret Life,” with accompanying articles including Lynn Rosellini, “Cutting the Great Man Down to Size,” U.S. News and World Report, Nov. 9, 1998. Now that the intellectual task of reducing the iconic status of slaveholding “fathers” has been largely accomplished, however, serious questions remain about the meaning of slavery at the founding. There is more to it than the hypocrisy of whites or even the oppression of blacks. Social historians have described both the sufferings and the heroic self-defense strategies of Africans and African Americans in this period, both slave and free, in detail.3. The historiography of slavery has moved back from the previously dominant antebellum era. For earlier works, esp. Peter H. Wood Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 to the Stono Rebellion (New York: Knopf, 1974); Benjamin Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1961); Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, eds., Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1983). More recently, Shane White, Somewhat More Independent: the End of Slavery in New York City, 1770–1810 (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1991); Michael Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks: the Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998); Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998). Scholars no longer can pretend that “Americans,” much less “plebeian” Americans, were all white at the outbreak of the Revolution, whether they were assembled in the Boston streets or South Carolina lowcountry.4. For a recent argument to this effect, Joanne Pope Melish, Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and “Race” in New England, 1780–1860 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998). Yet a substantive consideration of the meaning of these facts for the nation-state that was built in the Revolution is still missing. What was the impact of slavery on the political institutions whose creation was the triumph of the “fathers” of the founding generation? Aspects of the answer are well known: the removal of Jefferson's pathetic slavery clause (blaming Britain for American slavery) from the Declaration of Independence, the compromises that placed the three-fifths clause into the Constitution along with the fugitive slave and slave trade abolition clauses, the checkered career of the Northwest Ordinance as a ban on slavery in the territories, and the Haitian Revolution's reality-check on the libertarian enthusiasms of white Southerners.5. On these issues, in the order cited in the text, see Pauline Maier, American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence (New York: Knopf, 1997); Jack N. Rakove, Original Meanings: Politics and Ideas in the Making of the Constitution (New York: Vintage, 1996); Paul Finkelman, “Slavery and the Northwest Ordinance: A Study in Ambiguity,” Journal of the Early Republic 6 (1986): 343–70, and Paul Finkelman, “Evading the Ordinance: the Persistence of Bondage in Indiana and Illinois,” Journal of the Early Republic 9 (1989): 21–51; Rachel N. Klein, Unification of a Slave State: The Rise of the Planter Class in the South Carolina Backcountry, 1760–1808 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), and Michael Zuckerman, “The Power of Blackness: Thomas Jefferson and the Revolution in St. Domingue,” in Almost Chosen People: Oblique Biographies in the American Grain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

DOing the Continental: Conceptualizations of the Canadian-American Relationship in the Long Twentieth Century

Abstract: I. AMERICAN POWER AND CANADIAN NATION-BUILDING In the course of its rich, lengthy, and complicated history, analysis and discussion of the Canadian-American relationship has moved through four main phases, each offering commentary on important aspects of that relationship, each reflecting changes in it, and each taking shape under the influence of a particular set of research methods, discursive practices, and conceptual tools. The first to emerge, and the longest in the field, arose out of the compulsion - felt by Canadians and Americans alike - to grasp and understand the situation created by the vast and obvious disparities between Canadian and American power. Some observers thought the nature of that situation so stark and clear that assimilating its meaning hardly required analysis at all: American strength was so patently superior that one had simply to register the inevitability of its triumph over all of the continent. Canadians, certainly, were not immune from this view: even before Goldwin Smith's celebrated dismissal of Canadian national pretensions in 1891, the New Brunswicker Alexander Monro had set out his strong conviction that, since "the United States and Canada belong as it were to each other," they "should unite." [1] In the main, however, insistence on the force and implacability of the American phenomenon was the property of observers at the heart of the United States' life itself. Taking their text from John Q uincy Adams' 1819 declaration that "our proper dominion [is] the continent of North America," and very much influenced by the doctrines of Manifest Destiny, commentators announced the imminence of America's northern triumph with emphasis and regularity: indeed, insisted Samuel E. Moffett in 1907, that triumph was no longer for the future; it was at hand; Canadians "are already Americans without knowing it." [2] So obvious and sensible did the American victory seem that even after the passing of the great age of nineteenth-century expansionism it continued to be proclaimed with force and enthusiasm. Mild statements of it left no doubt as to what was being avowed: Franklin Roosevelt's 1936 declaration that Canadians were at one with their neighbors in the American orbit, anything but "foreigners," differed from the Moffett pronunciamento mainly in its greater solicitude for Canadian sensibilities. Less modulated remarks lost even that point of distinction: former Undersecretary of State George Ball's 1968 dismi ssal of Canadian attempts to resist American influence (they were, in his well-publicized phrase, "a rear-guard action") sent its message with a directness that went well beyond anything Moffett had mustered. And when journalist Joel Garreau re-mapped Canada outside Quebec as a series of American regions projected northward, his work gave a verdict on the place and importance of Canadian national structures the frankness of which transcended anything either Moffett or Ball had dared put forward. Economist Sidney Weinberg's 1994 claim that the great free trade agreements of the 1980s and 1990s were at last producing a victory over Canada's "east-west imperative" -- this, as he saw it, was "an undeniable fact," the "long-term implications" of which "will surely affect the nature of Canadian society" -- thus stood in a long line of clear and explicit comments concerning the impossibility of Canadian resistance to the powerful forces shaping continental life. Possessing no character or identity to set it apart, l acking the strength to assert what claims it did have, Canada could quite simply do no other than accept with resignation and fortitude the domination of its great neighbor. [3] Plausible, compelling, and in harmony with the brute facts of the situation, the conviction that the United States was destined to triumph attracted no small measure of support. Yet for all the enthusiasm with which its adherents upheld it, it never managed to monopolize discussion. …

The Fine Art of Destruction Revisited

Abstract: This article is essentially the text of a speech given by National Archivist of Canada Ian E. Wilson in May 2000 to the Riley Seminar on the Destruction of Records and Proposed Access Act Amendments. As Richard Brown explains in the foreword, the article draws its inspiration from an article by former Dominion Archivist W. Kaye Lamb, entitled “The Fine Art of Destruction.” Wilson focuses on the management of information as a corporate resource and asset of the government and indicates that the National Archives of Canada can contribute to the development of information industry standards with government-wide application while pursuing its own interests to preserve records with archival and historic importance.

Giving a voice to the child - the Irish experience

Abstract: In Article 41 of the 1937 Constitution, the people of Ireland recognized the family as "the natural primary and fundamental unit group of Society," "the necessary basis for social order," and as "indispensable to the welfare of the Nation and the State." The preferential legal weighting accorded by Article 41 of the Irish Constitution to the rights of parents and the integrity of the family unit founded upon marriage confirms a philosophy of laissez-faire in respect of parent/child relations, where the parents have sovereign dominion over the future of their children. The Irish child care system is unique in that it has resisted the steady erosion of parental rights which has characterized the international child care system. By ratifying the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child on 21 September 1992, without reservation, Ireland accepted its international obligations towards children. Substantial changes have been brought about by the Irish legislature in what appears to be a pro-active approach at the statutory level on child law matters and an attempt by the State to fulfil its international obligations by recognizing children's fundamental, political, social, economic and civil rights. Article 41 of the Irish Constitution, however, continues to act as an impediment to the effective implementation of children's legal entitlements under the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. This paper analyses recent Irish family legislation and examines the extent to which it fails to comply with the Irish Government's international obligations towards children.

Liberty, dominion, and the two swords : on the origins of Western political theology (180-398)

Abstract: In "Liberty, Dominion and the Two Swords" historian Lester L. Field, Jr., places historical relations between church and state in a new context by examining the ancient origins of two concepts that dominated medieval political discourse: "liberty of the church", which became the battle cry of the reform papacy during the Investiture Contest of the late 11th and early 12th centuries; and the doctrine of the "two swords", which distinguished the medieval church and monarchy as inviolable institutions. Modern historians have followed the majority of medieval thinkers in the belief that Pope Gelasius I (492-96) laid the groundwork for the medieval assertion of a free priesthood and - by later interpretation - a free monarchy. Yet Galasius himself drew on traditions deeply embedded in the earliest Latin Christian thought. These traditions, dating to the end of the second century, emerged at a time when Christianity was illegal and thus persecuted. In Part 1 Field demonstrates how the resulting theologies of martyrdom played a major role in shaping ancient Christian understandings of liberty. Part 2 deals with the notions of liberty, dominion and the two swords during the Constantinian revolution of the fourth century, during which emperors enforced ecclesiastical decisions and recognised only one communion as the true church. In Part 3 Field examines the Age of Ambrose and discusses how Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, articulated episcopal rights and imperial duties while adapting older theologies of liberty, dominion and the two swords. Field aims to fill a void in the study of several crucial concepts in western medieval political thought. Scholars of patristic theology, political theory, and church history should appreciate the contribution "Liberty, Dominion and the Two Swords" is able to make to patristic political thought, the study of ecclesiastical polity, and various other related subjects.

The politics of government in the Audiencia of New Granada, 1681-1719

Abstract: This is a study of government and governance in the Audiencia of Santa Fe during the last two decades of Habsburg rule and the first two decades of Bourbon rule, a period largely neglected by historians of New Granada and of Spanish America in general. However, it is not simply an administrative history. Rather than focus primarily on the structure of government and formal mechanisms of power and authority, this study aims, as the title indicates, to examine the political activity contained within the formal structure of institutions and laws. It looks at the ways in which institutions of government actually functioned within the society they were designed to govern and control, in other words the workings of government. These are themes which have been little studied by historians of the region, despite the importance which has been attached to the colonial state as a force which played a primary role in shaping New Granada's history. Studies of the colonial state have tended to portray it as a hierarchy of institutions, closely controlled from the centre, which developed as Spain's monarchs sought to legitimise their dominion and impose their control over the vast territories of the Americas. They have presented royal institutions of government in the Indies, the audiencia and provincial governors in the case of New Granada as the tools of an absolutist monarchy, employed by the Spanish crown to expand royal power over Spanish American subjects. The present study thus aims to challenge this picture by making detailed reference to contemporary documentation and taking into account recent research on early modern government and governance in areas outside New Granada. We will attempt to show that government in the Audiencia of Santa Fe was not a rigid structure but very political in nature.

A Chief Justice's Progress: John Marshall from Revolutionary Virginia to the Supreme Court

Abstract: Prologue: Appointment Childhood in the Frontier Gentry, 1755-1774 The Revolutionary War Experience, 1774-1781 Lawyer and Lawmaker in the Old Dominion, 1781-1787 Virginia Nationalist, 1787-1791 Southern Federalist (I), 1791-1797 Diplomatic Interlude: The XYZ Mission, 1797-1798 Southern Federalist (II), 1798-1801 Chief Justice, 1801-1835 Bibliography

British Imperial Politics and Judicial Independence: The Judicial Committee's Decision in the Canadian Case Nadan v. The King

Abstract: Traditionally, Canadian commentary on the Judicial Committee has focused on the effect or impact of the imperial tribunal's decisions on the nature of Canadian federalism. Numerous studies have examined the issue of whether or not the Judicial Committee strengthened the powers of provincial governments at the expense of the federal government by misinterpreting the Constitution Act, 1867 and by ignoring the intentions of the fathers of Confederation who sought to create a strong centralized government. The Canadian preoccupation with the merits of this debate has led one distinguished political scientist, David E. Smith, to suggest that “perhaps too much” has been written about the Judicial Committee. The literature examining the relationship between the Judicial Committee and Canada has not, however, addressed the significance of the imperial context in which the tribunal's decisions were written. The Judicial Committee was not only the final appellate body for Canada but was also responsible for hearing disputes from other parts of the Empire. Decisions written for one Dominion or colony could have profound legal and political effects on another.

From Unequal Treaty to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 1867–1902

Abstract: On 9 November 1867 Tokugawa Yoshinobu, the fifteenth shogun, returned the power of government to the Imperial Court, bringing to a close more than 260 years of Tokugawa rule. In the same year, the British parliament had passed the British North America Act on 1 July, establishing the Dominion of Canada as the first self-governing territory in the British Empire. On 18 October, Russia had sold its Alaska territory to the United States and had withdrawn from North America, thereby establishing the political boundaries in the northern Pacific that still exist today.1 At the same time, however, Russia was watching out for opportunities to make southward advances into the Indian Ocean. It also continued to expand its economic and military activities in Siberia and sought to extend its sphere of influence into the Far East. Britain had to recognize these Russian ambitions as a major threat to its imperial position there.

Liberty, Dominion and the Two Swords: On the Origins of Western Political Theology (180-398)

Abstract: Liberty, Dominion and the Two Swords: On the Origins of Western Political Theology (180-398). By Lester L. Field, Jr. Publications in Medieval Studies 28. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1998. xviii + 542 pp. $95.00 (cloth). The doctrine of "two swords" is usually understood as a medieval notion of political dualism with patristic roots, specifically the enduring interpretation by Pope Gelasius of Luke 22:38. The most obvious aim of this complex book is to present earlier Christian formulations which emphasize the liberty and autonomy of the Christian Church, particularly in terms of the image of the sword-hence a book whose scope does not extend beyond the fourth century, appearing in a leading medieval studies series. Yet Lester Field's discussion is hardly narrow in chronological terms, moving from the second-century emergence of a Latin Christian literature to the letters of Pope Siricius, constructing an over-arching vision from various authors and events. The structure is somewhat telescoped, the thirteen chapters arranged in three parts: the first and shortest part ("The Church of the Martyrs") covers the period 180-312 and the earliest Latin Christian references to the language of "the sword," notably but not exclusively in North Africa. Part IT ("The `Constantinian Revolution' (312-374)") moves from religious freedom under Constantine and his successors to focused explorations of Donatism and the figures of Lucifer of Cagliari and Hilary of Poitiers. Last, "The Age of Ambrose" devotes four chapters to the shorter period 374-398. Much of interest comes along the way. From intriguing niceties such as the correlation between these issues and the greater western acceptance of the dualistic Revelation to John (pp. 140-141), to startling connections between Arian or Nicene Christologies and the politics they supported (e.g., Eudoxius of Constantinople, p. 165), Field shows a deft touch with a large and complex array of evidence. This scope and learning comes at some cost to the prospective reader. Based on a dissertation, the study is somewhat unusual in form itself. About half of the well over five hundred pages are notes and bibliography. Field usually avoids dealing with historical niceties in the text itself-specific judgments upon which his synthesis depends are usually consigned to the copious notes. The recurring exceptions (e.g., a discussion of imperial coinage, pp. 83-7) are curious and sometimes jarring. Field tends to efface not only his own authorial voice, but also those of the ancient personalities and their opponents; engagement with contemporary scholarship is implied rather than stated. …

The British at Weihaiwei: A Case Study in the Irrationality of Empire

Abstract: The grand spectacle of Britain's return of Hong Kong, its colony since the 1842 Treaty of Nanking, to Chinese sovereignty in July 1997 served to dramatize to a global audience the end of imperialism in its most overt political form. Beginning with China's defeat in the First Opium War in 1842, Britain and other European powers came to exercise varying degrees of forcible dominion, wrapped in a confusing array of legal guises, over parts of this proud but endangered country. Known to the Chinese ever since as the “unequal treaties,” these agreements progressively infringed on China's sovereignty, administrative and legal integrity, and economic viability. Extraterritorial rights exempting foreigners from Chinese justice, treaty ports where administration was in the hands of foreigners, and foreign control of extensive portions of Chinese bureaucratic administration, including even the country's ability to collect revenue through the Maritime Customs Service—all became part of the elaborate edifice of extraordinary rights and privileges that the powers created for themselves in the name of the “great game” of empire in China.1

History and the Literature of War: The Boke of Noblesse of William Worcester

Abstract: As they pursued a better future for their country, Englishmen of the third quarter of the fifteenth century sought ways of bringing about the recovery of a society which had experienced defeat abroad and weak rule, leading to civil conflict, at home. When William Worcester, to whom is attributed the Boke of Noblesse , and Sir John Fortescue, author of The Governance of England and the De Laudibus Legum Anglie , wrote what could be described as polemical works, each was prompted by a particular view of how best to overcome the ‘sorrows’ experienced by England at the time. Both men were deeply concerned for the public weal, the common profit of the realm; both, too, were anxious about the level of the crown's indebtedness, and concerned at the rise of civil discord. In his book, each laboured the importance to the king of sound and prudent counsel; each saw the restoration of ‘dominion’ – or proper rule – as vital for the future; each, too, would make use of historical evidence to bolster the arguments which he put forward. Yet, while these two men shared a purpose, their works reflected a fundamental difference of approach. Fortescue would propose to achieve better things by concentrating upon necessary changes on the domestic scene; the former Chief Justice favoured the resumption of crown lands, a king endowed with a protected income, as well as reform of the royal council as means toward reestablishing the effectiveness, power and good name of the monarchy. While not denying the significance to be played by the king himself, Fortescue placed his principal emphasis upon the need to give greater power to the office of the crown through (in this case) institutional and financial reform. Here, perhaps, he was influenced by his legal training and inclinations. Worcester, on the other hand, had a different perception of how the common profit might be restored. Rather than concentrate on what might be done at home, Worcester chose to emphasise the need to recover those English possessions recently lost in France through human failure and divided command.

Loss and Failure in High Ground

Abstract: All of the stories in the collection High Ground were published in the 1980s but the Ireland they portray is that of the 40s and 50s, two or three decades after the founding of a new country, the Free State. The generation of men that took part in the struggle for independence did not get the republic they had hoped for but a semi-independent state with dominion status. After a bitter civil war between those who accepted the Free State and those who would never agree to anything but an indepe...

Louise Crummy McKinney (1868-1931): A Window into Western Canadian Christianity

Abstract: Louise Crummy McKinney was a prominent social activist and popular preacher in Alberta during the first three decades of the twentieth century McKinney was president of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) in Alberta and Saskatchewan for over twenty-two years, and vice-president of the Dominion WCTU for twenty-one years Shortly before her death in 1931 she was elected as first vice-president of the World WCTU In 1917 McKinney also made history by becoming the first female elected to the Alberta Provincial Legislature and the first female MLA in the British Empire In addition, she was a Methodist local preacher, Sunday School superintendent, church organizer, Bible class leader, a champion of women’s ordination, a teacher, writer and an international speaker Further, she was a delegate to the final Methodist General Conference in 1925, and in that same year was one of only four woman chosen to sign the Basis of Union for the United Church of Canada alongside 327 male counterparts Louise C McKinney was also one of the Famous Five women in the Persons Case, who successfully petitioned the British Privy Council in 1929 for full legal definition and recognition of women as persons under Canadian law

Introduction: Ireland and the Politics of Independence 1922–49, New Perspectives and Re-considerations

Abstract: Whether what occurred in Ireland between 1912–23 was a revolution or not remains a matter of debate.1 The fact that there is still a degree of discomfiture over applying the word ‘revolution’ to this period and the war of independence is indicative of a historiography which has yet to resolve some of the most fundamental questions of twentieth century Irish history. That what happened in Ireland, in the decade before the two Irish polities north and south were formed, was a revolution is accepted here. Though as a revolution it was peculiarly narrow in its focus and decidedly limited in its results. Revolutionary change swept the entire island of Ireland after 1912. Its initial force came from within Ulster Unionism as it reacted and armed in response to the prospect of home rule in the period before the First World War. Ulster Unionism introduced the gun to twentieth century Irish politics and it also initiated the militarisation of Irish society with the formation of the Ulster Volunteer Force and in response the nationalist Irish Volunteers. By 1921, militant Ulster Unionism had been reconciled in a six-county political administration in the north-east of the Ireland, known somewhat ambiguously as Northern Ireland. The main force for revolutionary change after 1914 came from the south, and with the advent of sustained revolutionary violence in late 1919 more particularly the extreme south-west of the island, leading to the creation in 1922 of a self-governing dominion within the Commonwealth: the Irish Free State. It is the southern 26-county polity in its many constitutional forms – Southern Ireland, Free State, Eire-Ireland, and Republic – which interests us here and throughout the rest of this volume.