Showing papers on "Dominion published in 2010"

Imperial Archipelago: Representation and Rule in the Insular Territories under U.S. Dominion after 1898

Abstract: `Imperial Archipelago' is a comparative study of the symbolic representations, both textual and photographic, of Cuba, Guam, Hawaii, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico that appeared in popular and official publications in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War of 1898. It examines the connections between these representations and the forms of rule established by the U.S. in each at the turn of the century-thus answering the question why different governments were set up in the five sites. Lanny Thompson critically engages and elaborates on the postcolonial thesis that symbolic representations are a means to conceive, mobilise, and justify colonial rule. Colonial discourses construe cultural differences among colonial subjects with the intent to rule them differently; in other words, representations are neither mere reflections of material interests nor inconsequential fantasies, rather they are fundamental to colonial practice. To demonstrate this, Thompson analyses, on the one hand, the differences among the representations of the islands in popular, illustrated books about the "new possessions" and the official reports produced by U.S. colonial administrators. On the other, he explicates the connections between these distinct representations and the governments actually established. A clear, comparative analysis is provided of the legal arguments that took place in the leading law journals of the day, the Congressional debates, the laws that established governments, and the decisions of the Supreme Court that validated these laws. Interweaving postcolonial studies, sociology, U.S. history, cultural studies, and critical legal theory, `Imperial Archipelago' offers a fresh, transdisciplinary perspective that will be welcomed especially by scholars and students of U.S. imperialism and its efforts to "extend democracy" overseas, both past and present.

Canada and the British empire

Abstract: 1. Introduction: Canada and the British Empire 2. From Global Processes to Continental Strategies: The emergence of British North America to 1783 3. The Consolidation of British North America, 1783-60 4. The Creation of the Dominion of Canada, 1860-1901 5. Canada and the 'Third British Empire', 1901-39 6. Canada and the End of Empire, 1939-82 7. Status without Stature: Newfoundland, 1869-1949 8. British Migration and British America, 1783-1867 9. Rhetoric and Reality: British Migration to Canada, 1867-1967 10. French Canadians' Ambivalence toward the British Empire 11. Aboriginal People of Canada and the British Empire 12. Women, Gender, and Empire 13. Economy and Empire: Britain and Canadian Development, 1783-1971 14. British Justice: English Law and Canadian Legal Culture

The American Catholic Revolution: How the Sixties Changed the Church Forever

Abstract: PREFACE: "SOMETHING IRREVERSIBLE HAS HAPPENED" 1. A Brief History of Catholic Time 2. Frederick McManus and Worship in the United States 3. Humanae Vitae in the United States 4. The Charles Curran Affair 5. The Dangers of History 6. "Death Shall Have No Dominion!" 7. Avery Dulles and the Law of Unintended Consequences 8. Things Change ACKNOWLEDGMENTS NOTES INDEX

Settlers and Expatriates: Britons over the Seas

Abstract: 1. Introduction: Britains and Britons over the seas 2. The British of Argentina 3. Expatriates in cosmopolitan Egypt: 1864-1956 4. Kenya: Home county and African frontier 5. Rhodesia 1890-1980: 'The Lost Dominion' 6. 'The Last Outpost' The Natalians, South Africa and the British Empire 7. Avatars of Identity: The British community in India 8. 'Permanent Boarders': The British in Ceylon, 1815-1960 9. The British 'Malayans' 10. Shanghailanders and others: British communities in China, 1843-1957 11. 'We don't grow coffee and bananas in Clapham Junction you know!': Imperial Britons Back Home 12. Orphans of Empire

Altered Memories of the Great War: Divergent Narratives of Britain, Australia, New Zealand and Canada

Abstract: The experiences of World War I touched the lives of a generation but memories of this momentous experience vary enormously throughout the world. In Britain, there was a strong reaction against militarism but in the Dominion powers of Canada, Australia and New Zealand the response was very different. For these former colonial powers, the experience of war was largely accepted as a national rite of passage and their pride and respect for their soldiers' sacrifices found its focus in a powerful nationalist drive. How did a single, supposedly shared experience provoke such contrasting reactions? What does it reveal about earlier, pre-existing ideas of national identity? And how did the memory of war influence later ideas of self-determination and nationhood? "Altered Memories of the Great War" is the first book to compare the distinctive collective narratives that emerged within Britain and the Dominions in response to World War I. It powerfully illuminates the differences as well as the similarities between different memories of war and offers fascinating insights into what this reveals about developing concepts of national identity in the aftermath of World War I.

Fireworks, Folk-dancing, and Fostering a National Identity: The Politics of Canada Day

Abstract: Since 1958, the Canadian government has used the celebration of 1 July to promote particular models of national identity and to foster national unity. Commemorating the anniversary of Confederation, these Dominion Day and Canada Day (as renamed in 1982) observances changed over the decades to reflect changing government public policy objectives and new conceptions of the nation. From a celebration rooted in military pageantry stressing Canada's British heritage, these events were modified to promote a vision of a multicultural, bilingual country with a strong Aboriginal component. Moreover, Canada Day messages increasingly stressed the themes of individual achievement and respect for diversity. Although politicians played roles in determining the form and content of these events, and public response influenced which components were maintained, bureaucrats working in the Secretary of State department exercised a particularly strong influence on these celebrations, providing institutional continui...

Slavery and the Magna Carta in the Development of Anglo-American Constitutionalism

Abstract: If English and American constitutional thought rests on one shared foundation, it is the principle that executive power, in order to be legitimate, must be subject to law. In the thirteenth century, the English jurist Henry de Bracton declared that “the law makes the King”—rather than the King makes the law—and urged, “Let the King … bestow upon the law what the law bestows upon him, namely dominion and power, for there is no King where will rules and not law” (White 1908, 268). Bracton no doubt had in mind some of the recent provisions of the Magna Carta (1215), which provided a formal codification of this principle. The rebel barons who imposed the Magna Carta on King John were animated by a desire to limit arbitrary executive power, and, in Article 39, they secured a promise from the monarchy that “no free man shall be arrested or imprisoned, or disseised or outlawed or exiled or in any way victimised, neither will we attack him or send anyone to attack him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land” (Turner 2003, 231). In the fourteenth century, Article 39 was redrafted by Parliament to apply not only to free men but also to any man “of whatever estate or condition he may be,” and this process of reinterpretation continued throughout the next several centuries as Parliament expanded “the Charter's special ‘liberties’ for the privileged classes to general guarantees of ‘liberty’ for all the king's subjects” (Turner 2003, 3).

The Self-Governing Dominions of South Africa, Australia and Canada and the Evolution of the Imperial Accountancy Arena During the 1920s

Abstract: In the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries the formal organization of accountants from Scotland spread not just to England, Wales and Ireland, but also to the self-governing (white-dominated) dominions of Canada, Australia and South Africa (among others). By 1910 dominion accounting associations, largely modeled on British bodies, had managed to provoke the British chartered accountancy bodies into engaging with them, in part by leveraging the capacity of local legislators to exclude or impose onerous obligations on the members of British bodies undertaking work locally. In their turn, the British bodies turned to the Colonial Offi ce (CO) for assistance, invoking their connexion to British capital and their elite status as expert accountants. An imperial accountancy arena, in which centre and periphery mutually acted upon each other to bring about a degree of co-ordination (if not integration) of professional accountancy across large distances, had emerged (Chua and Poullaos 2002). ‘A web of negotiations, spun around the relays of empire, had been set up and it was not likely to end soon’ (Poullaos 2009b, 259).1

‘Give Me a Canadian’: Gender Identity and Training Hostels for British Domestics for Canada, 1927–30

Abstract: In 1927, the Canadian Department of Immigration and Colonization agreed to support a joint British-Canadian training scheme for British female domestics bound for the dominion. Under the larger initiative called Empire Settlement, not only did the programme attract few trainees, but even fewer of the trained migrant women remained in domestic service once in Canada. In an effort to account for failure, the Canadian women promoting the scheme turned to blaming the British whom they saw as deficient in work ethic and domestic practices. This study shows that a policy meant to encourage cooperation among British and Canadian women had the unintended effect of accentuating cultural difference between these groups, and contributed to a clearer articulation of a feminised English-Canadian identity in the interwar years.

Rethinking the Boundaries of the South

Abstract: [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] John Shelton Reed's work in the 1970s and afterward demonstrated the decline in the prevalence of "Dixie" in business names across the South. Although D.C.'s "Dixie Theater "--here, ca. 1920--might suggest there once had been a case for conceptually situating the nation's capitol in the South, Reeds work over fifty years later determined a region comprising Oklahoma, Kentucky, and the eleven states of the Old Confederacy. Many sociologists--and the US. Census--continue to locate D. C. in the South. Photograph courtesy of the Collections of the Library of Congress. Some states just don't feel all that southern anymore. Take Virginia as an example. Virginia is the birthplace of Robert E. Lee and the capital of the Confederacy. Two hundred years ago there was little doubt that Virginia was not only southern but, arguably, the core of the region. Today, however, many inhabitants of the Old Dominion state seem more like they belong in the Northeast than in the South. In Northern Virginia, where residents are more likely to be career government bureaucrats than members of industries that have long driven the southern economy, attachment to the South seems to be declining. Similar stories can be written about the decline of southern identity in North Carolina's Research Triangle and Florida's burgeoning 1-4 corridor. In substantial portions of these states, sushi-grade tuna and low-fat mocha lattes are taking their place beside barbecue and sweet tea. Demographically, these peripheral South states have experienced an influx of Latinos and a decline in the proportion of native southerners. These demographic shifts have resulted in political outcomes different from the majority of the (solid Republican) South, including support for then-Democratic candidate Barack Obama in 2008. (1) Contrast these three states with places like Oklahoma and Kentucky. Neither was part of the Confederacy, yet both possess cultural characteristics that look a lot like the other states in the traditional South. Toby Keith, perhaps the best-known country musician today, hails from Oklahoma and wears his southern identity like a badge of honor, releasing an album titled Shock'n Y' all and frequently appearing in his music videos alongside a Confederate flag. Political scientists Gary Copeland, Rebecca Cruise, and Ronald Keith Gaddie agree that Oklahoma is increasingly southern, citing the growth in the Republican Party and the Christian Right as prime examples of Oklahoma's regional identity. They argue that "Oklahoma--then an Indian territory--was not a state at the time of the Civil War, but many of the events and cultural factors that structure Oklahoma politics are distinctly southern." (2) A similar story can be written about Kentucky. Classic country singer Tom T. Hall, who once sang about "old dogs, children, and watermelon wine," is from Kentucky, and his songs have a distinctly southern flair. Similarly, few things are more southern than two staples of Kentucky culture--Jim Beam bourbon whiskey and Colonel Harland Sanders's original recipe. Recent political events in these states, with John McCain and Sarah Palin dominating the 2008 presidential elections in both, follow historical patterns and thus feel traditionally "southern." Of course, these limited examples do not unequivocally demonstrate that a state is or is not southern, but that these singers, cultural trends, and political outcomes are indicative of threads of southernness that run through these peripheral South states. As we grapple with where the South is today, we turn to a long and distinguished research tradition for help. This line of inquiry rests on two key assumptions. Following distinguished sociologist John Shelton Reed and others, we believe that there is a southern "otherness." Although the South was once closer to the mainstream of the country, it began to diverge by the middle of the seventeenth century, and today, the South differs demographically, economically, politically, and, most important for our purposes, culturally. …

The Development of Early Settler Identity in Southern Rhodesia: 1890-1914

Abstract: White settlement in Southern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, is little more than a century old, yet its development is a significant and exceptional episode in the complex history of colonial Africa. Like many incursions into Africa during the Scramble period of the latenineteenth century, the colonization of Southern Rhodesia involved devastating conflict, economic upheaval and a reorganization of indigenous society predicated on importing the supposed benefits of European progress. British interest in southern Africa had intensified due to a combination of economic and strategic factors,1 especially lucrative gold deposits in the Witwatersrand within the Boer-ruled South African Republic, which had led to speculation of a "Second Rand." As a primarily trade-driven empire, Britain's colonial policy usually followed the inexpensive "indirect rule" model of administering through local elites, making settler colonialism, particularly settler rule, very rare. Yet in Southern Rhodesia a precariously small minority of white colonists came to assume political power of the country barely thirty years after its initial occupation in 1890. This development was fueled by the formation of a settler identity that not only ensured the superior political and socioeconomic position of white Rhodesiane with respect to indigenous Africans, but also carved out distinctions between themselves and other Europeans. Though the Rhodesian settler community was comprised of different social and economic backgrounds, this "island of white" quickly developed strong local interests2 and ultimately obtained responsible government from Britain in 1923- the first step towards greater political sovereignty as a dominion within the British Empire. Settlers' enduring sense of themselves as a distinct people with a separate identity had a profound impact on their political ambitions and helped account for their resistance to black majority rule during the decolonization era. Thus when hopes for autonomy under white rule remained unfulfilled, Southern Rhodesia declared unilateral independence in 1965, a drastic measure that would draw international criticism and push the settler government into a crippling fifteen-year civil war against African nationalists that eventually ended in white Rhodesia's defeat The chain of events that mark Zimbabwe's tumultuous history since the Second World War has its basis, in part, with the fledgling group of pioneers who established a narrow but tenacious hold on Rhodesia in the 1890s. Studying the early self -perceptions of these settlers, therefore, sheds new and important light on the colonial era of Zimbabwean history. Historiography Related to Identity in Southern Africa There has been some research related to the formation of identity among British settlers in colonial Africa. One study focusing on the Cape Colony briefly described how the 1820 settlement of 4,000 immigrants from Britain was divided by the attempts of upper class families to reestablish the "society of deference" they had enjoyed at home. The settlers, led by a number of intellectuals, soon created a common identity as a "weapon" with which their specific interests and political goals could be achieved.3 Another project pertaining specifically to the history of white English-speaking South Africans has shown that there was an awareness of a distinctive identity embracing both Dominion South Africanism and steadfast imperialism, particularly in the two decades after Union in 1910. This identity was marked by a sense of "Britishness" and cultural superiority, which was reflected in various symbols and social rituals and enhanced by a need to protect their political interests within an Afrikaner-dominated society.4 More recent work for this project explored the impact of political changes during the 1930s, when the full autonomy granted to British dominions enabled Afrikaner nationalists to legislate sovereign independence for South Africa, including the right to secede from the empire; this threatened the identity of English-speakers by constructing a new South African character in which "Britishness" and the country's imperial connection were compromised. …

Tax Aspects of Canadian Fiscal Federalism

Abstract: In the constitutional moment known to Canadians as Confederation, in 1867 the UK Parliament passed the British North America Act, 1867 (now known as the Constitution Act, 1867), thereby creating the Dominion of Canada. From the time of Confederation, there have been, broadly speaking, two sets of issues addressed through Canadian federalism - cultural issues and economic issues. The cultural issues most prominently relate to the means of mutually accommodating Canada's "two solitudes" - the English and French heritages of the country. The economic issues relate to monetary and fiscal policies, the regulation of internal and external trade, and the governance of economic relationships within Canada. This paper focuses on just a subset of the economic issues. More specifically, this paper focuses on the tax aspects of Canadian fiscal federalism.

Aboriginal title and indigenous peoples : Canada, Australia, and New Zealand

Abstract: Introduction. "This Is Our Land": Aboriginal Title at Customary and Common Law in Comparative Contexts / Louis A. Knafla Part 1: Sovereignty, Extinguishment, and Expropriation of Aboriginal Title 1 From the US Indian Claims Commission Cases to Delgamuukw: Facts, Theories, and Evidence in North American Land Claims / Arthur Ray 2 Social Theory, Expert Evidence, and the Yorta Yorta Rights Appeal Decision / Bruce Rigsby 3 Law's Infidelity to Its Past: The Failure to Recognize Indigenous Jurisdiction in Australia and Canada / David Yarrow 4 The Defence of Native Title and Dominion in Sixteenth-Century Mexico Compared with Delgamuukw / Haijo Westra 5 Beyond Aboriginal Title in Yukon: First Nations Land Registries / Brian Ballantyne Part 2: Native Land, Litigation, and Indigenous Rights 6 The "Race" for Recognition: Toward a Policy of Recognition of Aboriginal Peoples in Canada / Paul L.A.H. Chartrand 7 The Sources and Content of Indigenous Land Rights in Australia and Canada: A Critical Comparison / Kent McNeil 8 Common Law, Statutory Law, and the Political Economy of the Recognition of Indigenous Australian Rights in Land / Nicolas Peterson 9 Claiming Native Title in the Foreshore and Seabed / Jacinta Ruru 10 Waterpower Developments and Native Water Rights Struggles in the North American West in the Early Twentieth Century: A View from Three Stoney Nakoda Cases / Kenichi Matsui Conclusion. Power and Principle: State-Indigenous Relations across Time and Space / Peter W. Hutchins Selected Bibliography General Index Index of Cases Index of Statutes, Treaties, and Agreements

A House Built upon Sand: South African 'Imperialism' in a Region without Regionalism

Abstract: A great deal of ink has been spilled on how South Africa is 'taking over' southern Africa and is the de facto regional leader, if not subimperialist. Yet analysis thus far has confused economic preponderance with political power--and the ability to project it into a region such as the sub-continent. The fact remains that the expansion of South African capital notwithstanding, the values and type of regionalism that Pretoria (at least rhetorically) wishes to promote in southern Africa jars considerably with the modalities of governance in the majority of states in the region. South Africa's ability to thus become a political 'leader' of southern Africa is less significant than many scholars think. 1. INTRODUCTION In the global South it is most likely that it is the dominant state within a particular region that tends to drive the regionalist project. We need not rehearse the well-known fact that South Africa is by far the dominant state in southern Africa, something remarked upon early on in the post-transition period (Ahwireng-Obeng and McGowan, 1998). This dominance is historical and specific attempts to lessen such structural imbalance by the peripheral states in the region--in the form of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC)--failed, though it did perhaps foster a sense of regionalism that has outlasted apartheid. In the post-apartheid era, Pretoria's elites have been particularly occupied with promoting a rejuvenation of the region (institutionalised now as the Southern African Development Community--SADC), whilst at the same time pressing for an economic and political transformation. Although initially reluctant to be seen as the dominating hegemon, anti-interventionist reluctance has been largely replaced by a more activist engagement, and South Africa has taken on the characteristics of a regional driver of an aspiring emerging market. In doing so, the need for 'good governance' and 'democracy' alongside the discourse of 'growth' and (to a lesser extent) development--all linked to the need to develop closer regional cooperation, leading to greater integration--is frequently invoked. This is underpinned by an explicit connection between governance and growth, all within the context and framework of the world economy. This broad project has consistently been cast by South Africa's government as an attempt to integrate the region closer together and increase southern Africa's drawing power vis-a-vis international capital. In short, South Africa's regional efforts 'may be regarded as a strategy to lure investment and trade opportunities, suggesting as it does that Africa is a worthwhile economic prospect' (Bulger, no date). This courting of transnational capital, Thabo Mbeki asserted, meant that 'South Africa ha[d] the potential in terms of its economy, in terms of its politics, and so on, to strike out on this new African path [the "African Renaissance"]'--leading by example and exhortation as it were (quoted in Sunday Independent (Johannesburg), July 13, 1997). Since South Africa's re-engagement with the rest of the region, however, Pretoria has been frequently accused of sub-imperialism and arrogance. Questions have also been asked about whether a country such as South Africa, with its brutal and racist past, can be realistically accepted as a regional leader. For instance, in one word, claiming to move 'beyond' realist discussions of interacting states, one author claimed that despite Pretoria's 'manipulation' of state structures and elites in the region for its own ends, apartheid drew people together, reinforcing integration. Claiming that transnational solidarity and a 'single regional economy' eliminated distinctions between national and international politics, the same writer asked whether South African 'domination' could be overcome through 'cosmopolitan' political arrangements (Vale, 2003). Not only did this confuse Pretoria's economic supremacy with political dominion but it also completely neglected the reality of politics within the region which has consistently negated any willy-nilly projection of South African leadership and 'values' throughout southern Africa. …

‘A Sordid Tussle on the Strand’: Rhodesia House during the UDI Rebellion (1965–80)

Abstract: Under the 1961 constitution, Rhodesia floated in a constitutional netherworld somewhere between a dominion and a colony. As Rhodesia's primary institutional link to the mother country, it was in the struggles over the status of their High Commission, Rhodesia House, that larger constitutional issues would be contested in microcosm. After UDI, Britain's awkward and unpopular policies towards the illegal regime in Africa were reflected in its policies regarding the London building and its occupants. The regime viewed Rhodesia House as a vital link to the outside world and sought to use it as a base from which to break out of its international isolation. The British shut down Rhodesia House in 1969, but its symbolic importance did not go away and it remained an important protest venue for demonstrators of all stripes. This article explores the significance of Rhodesia House during the fifteen-year rebellion and analyses what the controversies that swirled around the building say about the British imperial co...

Three accounts of a working life in Newfoundland: Violet Cherrington, 1922-1952

Abstract: British‐born Violet Cherrington spent most of her working life (1922–52) as Principal of Bishop Spencer College, a Church of England school for girls in St John’s, Newfoundland. This article focuses on her as a woman, educator and national subject in Canadian history, and it is written as three accounts rather than a single narrative. The first account is based on texts that were mostly written by Cherrington in the 1920s and 1930s when Newfoundland was a British Dominion and then recolonised in 1933. The second account uses texts from the 1940s and 1950s and thus it covers Cherrington’s retirement and death as well as Newfoundland’s conversion from British colony to Canadian province. The final account focuses on texts including a walking tour, encyclopedia entry and novel that write Cherrington and Bishop Spencer College into the historical imagination to the present day. The interplay between texts and contexts means that some aspects of Cherrington’s life and work are illuminated while others are down...

Gesellschaftlicher Wandel der Kirche

Abstract: The following article regards change in Church mainly as process in modern societies of her loosing rule over church-external areas, as well a church-internal dominion over the souls of her own members, thus weakening her ability of self-government decisively. Not the Church is coming to an end, but a specific type social body of the Church. This is the challenge of ,refound- ing', i.e. to invent today a new social body for the future.

Alliance and Illusion

Abstract: ALLIANCE AND ILLUSION Canada and the World, 1945-1984 Robert Bothwell Vancouver University of British Columbia Press, 2007. 464PP, $34.95 paper ISBN 978-0-7748-1369-3REVIEW I: ALLAN GOTLIEB/BENNETT JONES LLPThat Canadians know little about their country's history is a well-established fact, confirmed by poll after poll, and deplored by many of our political leaders, academics, educators, and media commentators. Thanks to the work of such foundations as the Dominion Institute and Historica (now merged), Canadian history has recently been making a comeback of sorts. But it's an uphill task, not made easier by the popular view these days that Canada is a "post-nation state" (perhaps its foremost example) and doesn't need all that narrative nonsense from the past because our unique national identity is to be found precisely in its absence. This is a weak justification for the egregious ignorance of our history and, in particular, the history of our foreign policy.In fact, the history of Canadian foreign policy can be likened to a black hole, where there is no light and no consciousness. At best, educated Canadians, or some, seem vaguely aware of the existence of a "golden age" of sorts, when Canadian diplomacy shone, thanks to Lester Pearson and the Nobel peace prize that was conferred for our role in creating a peacekeeping force that brought an end to the Suez crisis of 1956. But this confirms that what is known about Canadian foreign policy is largely about Canadian diplomacy and this is not great news for the study of the subject in our various universities. Even those of us not having the privilege of spending time in an academic institution know that what concerns the academy these days is not political history or diplomacy but gender, race, hierarchy, ethnicity, and the many dimensions of victimhood and discrimination. Alas, I doubt that any book that describes the modern history of Canadian foreign policy is likely to lead to a change in the culture of the contemporary Canadian campus. But the good news is that in the confines of a single volume, Canadians now have access to a deeply researched, comprehensive, well-written, incisive, witty, and balanced account of Canada's role in the world in the critical years of our independence from the end of World War II to the beginning of the Mulroney era. This invaluable contribution of Robert Both well, Canada's leading student of our foreign policy, is to be followed by a second volume covering the past two decades.Bothwell's 40-year survey and analysis of Canada in the world is skilfully built around the dominant political figures of those decades, principally Louis St. Laurent, John Diefenbaker, Lester Pearson, Pierre Elliott Trudeau, and, to a lesser degree, Joe Clark. But Bothwell is no hero worshiper. Giants do not bestride his political landscape. Bothwell displays a sympathetic understanding of the challenges our political leaders had to meet in trying to forge a role of influence for Canada in a world characterized by the severe constraints of the Cold War and the astounding dominance of the United States, with all its implications for our sovereignty. Based on my own experience as a public servant dealing over the years with the major international issues of the day, I find his judgments consistently balanced and fair-minded.Against the background of his dispassionate treatment of the major players, his critical account of John Diefenbakefs hapless years of governance stands out rather vividly. "It is tempting," he writes, "to suggest that Anglo-Canadian relations never recovered from John Diefenbaker. It would be truer to say they never received from the period 1957-63" (147). Bothwell is justifiably hard on the performance of Diefenbaker in handling the issues of nuclear warheads for Canada and the Cuban missile crisis. Nor can one disagree with his view that Diefenbaker displayed throughout his term a rigid personality, a limited view of politics, and a dated, if not ignorant, view of the world. …

From British Subjects to Australian Values: A Citizenship Building Approach to Australia-Asia Relations

Abstract: Australia-Asia relations are inextricably bound with the development of notions of statehood and citizenship. The argument advanced here is that the way a state acts within the international community markedly determines how it relates to its own citizens. Here we suggest that the continuing and politically resonant idea of Australia as a ‘middle power’ is a crucial thread that links the international and national dimensions of citizenship building. From the very beginning of Federation the contingent sovereignty of the new Australian Commonwealth in the Imperial order became necessarily entangled with debate over national political institutions and citizenship building. Long after the end of the British Empire, the notion of middle power politics has determined the nature and shape of citizenship building. These statecraft projects of ‘citizenship building’ are profoundly shaped, determined, and reinforced by the institutions and policies of regional engagement. We explore this framework through three critical junctures of domestic and external policy: i) the emergence of dominion status on the basis of a common racial and cultural identity within the Empire in the first half of the century; ii) the developing notion of a good international citizen during the Hawke and Keating period; and iii) the invocation of Australian values by John Howard.

Round the compass in Australia

Abstract: PrefaceThe first part of the book, including chapters I. to IX., appeared in Harper's Weekly. A considerable portion of the remainder first saw the light in the Sydney Morning Herald; and papers are included which were contributed to the St. James's Gazette, The English Illustrated Magazine, Black and White, and The Illustrated London News. - To the proprietors of these journals I am indebted for permission to republish. The first part of the book is a reiew of Australian affairs brougt up to 1891; the second part is an account of my travels and inquiry not carried beyond the time of their occurrence, and a record of impressions received during the period between 1888 and 1891. The chapter on the granting of responsible government to Western Australia may appear to be superfluous, since the new constitution has been launched; but there is information in it which, I believe, is as important to a knowledge of the colony as when the question of the Enabling Bill was before the public. It is possible that this work may not be of less general interest because it is writtten by one who, through many years of residence, is familiar with the life and political conditions of the great sister colony, the Dominion of Canada. And Australia has been viewed from the standpoint of this knowledge.G. P.

Los artífices del Plus Ultra : pilotos, cartógrafos y cosmógrafos en la Casa de la Contratación de Sevilla durante el siglo XVI

Abstract: This article demonstrates how the institutionalization of cosmography and navigation ended with the slogan Non Terrae Plus Ultra , and led to the emergence of imperial heading Plus Ultra helped by the navigation of a Mare Tenebrosum (the Atlantic Ocean), and the delineation of the contours of a new world that began beyond the Columns of Hercules. This process was made possible by the establishment in Seville of the House of Trade in 1503 and the creation of scientific offices such as Pilot Major, master of making nautical charts or cosmographer. The ship appears on the cover of the Regimiento de navegacion (1606) by Andres Garcia de Cespedes across the pillars of the hero of Greek mythology highlights the Baconian premise of man's dominion over nature, the knowledge gained through the conquest of the West Indies, and also the wishes of the Spanish monarchy by taking advantage of the usefulness of scientific knowledge by joining the nautical experience and cosmographical theory.

J.E. Bernier’s Claims to Fame

Abstract: On 1 July 1909, in the course of patrolling the Arctic on behalf of Canada, Captain J.E. Bernier claimed for Canada the territory between its east and west mainland borders all the way to the North Pole—that is, the entire Arctic Archipelago. Although the legitimacy of his act was considered dubious even by his own government, it introduced the “sector principle” to international practice and has since become a staple in the nation’s claims to Arctic sovereignty. But focus on Bernier’s sector claim has obscured attention from his four voyages for Canada in the first decade of the century, and paradoxically left the broader context for his claim unexplored. This essay frames his 1909 act in relation to his decade-long quest to win fame as Canada’s competitor in the race to the North Pole. The article’s specific contributions are in revealing that Bernier actually made a sector claim during his previous cruise; that his connections in 1908 with American polar challengers Peary and Cook encouraged his 1909 decision; and that although the Dominion Day proclamation was what he would be remembered for, Bernier himself later ascribed surprisingly little significance to it.

James Wilson's Considerations on the Nature and Extent of the Legislative Authority of the British Parliament

Abstract: Long before Canada and other countries in the British Empire gained dominion status, an American pamphleteer argued that the British Parliament had no authority over the colonies. The year was 1774, and it was James Wilson of Pennsylvania. Wilson audaciously asserted that although the colonists were indeed an organic part of the British Empire and owed allegiance to the monarch, they were self-governing.In 1768, motivated by the non-importation agreements and John Dickenson's Farmer's Letters, Wilson penned Considerations on the Nature and Extent of the Legislative Authority of the British Parliament. He argued innovatively that the colonies were not subject to the control of the Parliament. Curiously, he did not publish this pamphlet for another six years.Wilson's argument was that the British Parliament had no legislative authority over the colonies. In fact, he denied in every instance that the colonies were subject to the legislative control of England. In his pamphlet, Wilson developed the concept of dominion status six years before Thomas Jefferson or John Adams articulated the same idea and some seventy years before the British officially adopted it as policy. This paper will examine the validity of Wilson's claims about the extent of British authority in the colonies. It will demonstrate that Wilson was correct in claiming that the laws passed by the British Parliament did not bind the colonists because they lacked authority.