scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 1976"


Book
15 Apr 1976
TL;DR: In this paper, Green draws together the experiences of more than a dozen different sugar colonies and forms them into a coherent historical account, and places British governmental policy towards the region in the context of Victorian attitudes towards colonial questions.
Abstract: This is a study of the West Indies in the mid-nineteenth century. William A. Green draws together the experiences of more than a dozen different sugar colonies and forms them into a coherent historical account. The first part of the book examines the West Indies on the eve of emancipation in 1830; the second explores the politics and society of the islands during the period 1830-1865, a key passage in West Indian history. Professor Green presents a clear general picture of the sugar colonies, and places British governmental policy towards the region in the context of Victorian attitudes towards colonial questions. His lucid and comprehensive account is an important contribution to Caribbean history.

182 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A. P. Sindler as discussed by the authors studied demographic and economic change in the South, 1940-1960, and found that the South was more conservative than other parts of the United States.
Abstract: 1974 "Forming composite scales and estimating their validity through factor analysis." Social Forces 5 3: 168-80. Spengler, Joseph J. 1963 "Demographic and economic change in the South, 1940-1960." Pp. 26-63 in A. P. Sindler (ed.), Change in the Contemporary South. Durham: Duke University Press. Srole, Leo 1956 "Social integration and certain corollaries: an exploratory study." American Sociological Review 21:709-16. Stouffer, Samuel A. 1955 Communism, Conformity, and Civil Liberties: A Cross-Section of the Nation Speaks Its Mind. New York: Doubleday. Stouffer, Samuel A., L. Guttman, E. A. Suchman, P. F. Lazarsfeld, S. A. Star and J. A. Clausen 1949 Studies in Social Psychology in World War II. Vol. 1. The American Soldier: Adjustment During Army Life. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Thompson, Edgar T. 1963 "The South and the second Emancipation." Pp. 93-118 in A. P. Sindler (ed.), Change in the Contemporary South. Durham: Duke University Press. White, Theodore H. 1961 The Making of the President 1960. New York: Atheneum. Williams, J. Allen, Jr. 1966 "Regional differences in authoritarianism." Social Forces 45:273-7. Williams, Robin M., Jr. 1964 Strangers Next Door: Ethnic Relations in American Communities. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall.

151 citations


Book
01 Jan 1976
TL;DR: The Science of Unfreedom and the Commonsense of Second Nature are discussed in detail in this paper, with a focus on the second nature and its relation to the commonsense of critical sociology.
Abstract: Part 1: The Science of Unfreedom 1. Second nature' Defined 2. 'Second nature' Deified 3. 'Second Nature' and the Commonsense Part 2: Critique of Sociology 4. The Husserlian Revolution 5. The Existentialist Restoration 6. 'Second Nature' Vindicated Part 3: Critique of Unfreedom 7. Technical and Emancipatory Reason 8. 'Second Nature' Seen Historically 9. Can Critical Sociology be a Science? 10.Truth and Authentication.

48 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Sugar Colonies and the Great Experiment, 1830-1865: as discussed by the authors, a history of the British Slave Emancipation: The sugar colonies and the great experiment, 1830−1865.
Abstract: (1976). British Slave Emancipation: The Sugar Colonies and the Great Experiment, 1830–1865. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 4, No. 10, pp. 225-226.

44 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors synthesize the literature and presents an integrated story in which the decline in the rate of growth of the demand for cotton and the results of emancipation on the southern labor supply had equal impacts on measured income in the postbellum South.
Abstract: In the last half of the nineteenth century the economy of the American South experienced three separate shocks which have been analyzed separately by different authors. This note synthesizes the literature and presents an integrated story in which the decline in the rate of growth of the demand for cotton (noted by Wright) and the results of emancipation on the southern labor supply (noted by Ransom and Sutch) had equal impacts on measured income in the post-bellum South. The Civil War itself had a much smaller and less lasting effect on southern income than Coldin and Lewis assumed; in the long run, it was the least important of the three shocks.

31 citations




Book
01 Oct 1976
TL;DR: A New Birth of Freedom: The Republican Party and Freedmen's Rights, 1861-1866, is an account of how laws, policies and constitutional amendments defining and protecting the personal liberty and civil rights of the country's African American population were adopted during the Civil War.
Abstract: A New Birth of Freedom: The Republican Party and Freedmen's Rights, 1861-1866, is an account of how laws, policies and constitutional amendments defining and protecting the personal liberty and civil rights of the country's African American population were adopted during the Civil War. A study in legal and constitutional history, it complements and forms a necessary predicate to the social history of emancipation that is the principal focus of contemporary Civil War scholarship. The relevance of the legal dimension in the struggle for black freedom is attested by the observation that many slaves learned the letter of the law so they could seemingly recite from memorypassages from congressional measures prohibiting the return of escaped slaves to disloyal owners and guaranteeing their personal liberty.

25 citations


Book
01 Oct 1976
TL;DR: Racial Equality in America as discussed by the authors is a history of racial inequality in America, focusing on the history of race discrimination in the United States and its history of racism and discrimination against African Americans.
Abstract: This is a forceful meditation on the persistent disparity between the goal of racial equality in America and the facts of discrimination. Presented as the prestigious Jefferson Lecture in the Humanities, "Racial Equality in America" traces America's history of racial inequality. In a strong critique of Thomas Jefferson, Franklin shows that this spokesman for democracy did not include African Americans among those "created equal". Franklin chronicles the events of the 19th century that solidified inequality in America and shows how emancipation dealt only with slavery, not with inequality. In the 20th century, America finally confronted the fact that equality is indivisible: that it must not be divided so that it is extended to some at the expense of others. Once this indivisibility is accepted, Franklin charges, America faces the monumental task of overcoming its long heritage of inequality. Nearly 20 years after this book was first published, that task has fallen to yet another generation. "Racial Inequality in America" offers a powerful reminder that our history is more than a record of idealised democratic traditions and institutions. It is a message to Americans, calling upon them to know their history and themselves.

21 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Kollontai's capitulation to Stalin in 1927 ended the most serious attempt of bolshevism to treat the woman question on the basis of socialist theory as mentioned in this paper. But by the mid-twenties, having established herself as an oppositionist, she was isolated from decision making.
Abstract: THE UTOPIAN SOCIALIST, Charles Fourier, believed that the emancipation of women was the best general measure of the moral level of a culture, that the degree of feminine emancipation was a natural measure of general emancipation. Karl Marx liked to quote Fourier. So did Old Bolsheviks.1 The Russian intelligentsia had long been absorbed with the problems of two oppressed groups: women and peasants. And as the relationship of the backward peasantry to the Bolshevik revolution underwent tortuous analysis, finally to become by the mid-twenties a source of bitter factionalism, the "woman question" seemed one of the few issues on which party leaders, Left and Right, agreed. I would argue that it was an unfortunate consensus, deriving in part from a superficial commitment, in part from a limited understanding of the problem, so that at a critical time when the regime was taking form, the woman question moved not in the direction of a socialist solution, but rather toward conversion to revolutionary myth. Only one leading Bolshevik, Aleksandra Kollontai, the central figure in the socialist woman's movement, fought singlemindedly for the socialist course. But by the mid-twenties, having established herself as an oppositionist, she was isolated from decision making. This article will suggest that her capitulation to Stalin in 1927 ended the most serious attempt of bolshevism to treat the woman question on the basis of socialist theory.

Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: In a recent essay, Francis Allen warned that "modern criminology is in danger of being enslaved by its own emancipation." 1 Professor Allen's despairing prognosis was occasioned by what he took to be unsatisfactory developments in the manner in which criminologists were selecting and approaching their work. The emancipation Allen referred to is that which had tied criminology to behavioral considerations; the enslavement is that which presently binds a new version of criminology to political considerations.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors interviewed ten female emigrants who have spent at least their entire childhood and adolescence in China, and eight Hong Kong Chinese who recently visited their relatives on the mainland.
Abstract: After 25 years of communist rule, women in China have made significant progress toward emancipation. However, some aspects of traditional sex role differentiation still persist in the family. Furthermore, in work outside the home, women still experience discrimination in pay and important jobs. In the political area, women are still discriminated against on the national level. Most of the important government positions are held by men. Although the magnitude of sex inequality in the past can explain some of these legacies, a more complete explanation must take into account the survival of the concept of Yin-Yang, the patrilineal kinship system; the Ancestral Cult in China; and the inadequacy of the socialist revolution. The misery that Chinese Women have suffered for thousands of years has now reached a limit. The trammels of a patriarchal social system and oppression by imperialism and its tools-the warlords, compradors, gangster politicians, corrupt officials, local tyrants and evil gentry-have kept women from achieving political and economic independence and have literally made them into commodities, playthings, parasites (Institute of the People's Movement, 1902?:2). The foregoing declaration appeared in the opening chapter of a Communist publication in the 20's. It gives evidence to the Chinese Communist Party's long interest in the emancipation of women (China Reconstruct, 1975:40-41). In 1950, one year after the party's triumph over the Nationalists, the new government immediately kept its promise by issuing a new Marriage Law, designed to eradicate all social inequalities between the sexes. However, in spite of the government's earnest effort in the last twenty-five years, some important aspects of social inequality between the sexes still persist in China today, albeit some significant progress has been made. The present paper is an attempt to describe some of the legacies and changes, and to offer an explanation for the stamina of male supremacy in China. Since outsiders are not able to conduct scientific social surveys in China at this time, the present study must rely on other approaches. The material presented here comes from published articles and reports, and from interviews with a number of emigrants and Chinese who have recently visited their relatives in China. The author has interviewed ten female emigrants who have spent at least their entire childhood and adolescence in Communist China, and eight Hong Kong Chinese who recently visited their relatives on the mainland. The interviews were informally conducted over a period of time. The data obtained from * The author wishes to thank Professors Marion Dearman and William Darrough for their comments and suggestions. I am especially indebted to Professor Lillian Rubin for sharing many of her ideas with me. Without her generosity, encouragement, and patience, this paper would not have been possible.






Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early nineteenth century, debates of the "Catholic Question" focused almost exclusively on developments in Ireland, where demagogues, priests, and peasants cleverly contrived to extort Emancipation from a protestant parliament as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Discussions of the ‘Catholic Question’ of the early nineteenth century have concentrated almost exclusively upon developments in Ireland, where demagogues, priests, and peasants cleverly contrived to extort Emancipation from a protestant parliament The historian's choice of focus scarcely requires explanation, what with the purport of Irish events and the relentless logic with which the O'Connellites had organised their following And yet, despite the emphases of scholarship, the concessions of 1829 actually represented a triumph on both sides of St George's Channel The Catholic Saxon as well as the Catholic Celt, each in his own way, had contributed to the joyous outcome, and quite possibly neither would have succeeded without the other

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors analyse the view of the past presented by the Action Francaise historians, and suggest that the function of their historiography was to project a particular conception of what society was and ought to be like.
Abstract: There seems to have existed in France, at least after I 830, a general belief in the enormous social and political potenntial of education. Socialists, even after the penetration of vulgar Marxism, regarded ignorance as the great obstacle to working-class emancipation; democrats of all shades believed that the authentic Republic would emerge when a secular state primary education system became established; while, for conservatives, to entrust popular education to the Church was the only hope of preventing radical social change or collapse. Education became, therefore, one of the central political issues of the Third Republic. Recent work on the history and civics textbooks used in schools has given some indication of the picture of their society and its history which French schoolchildren were presented with, and of the way in which this may have guided their future attitudes and reactions. ' It is always difficult to assess the influence and importance of such material in the formation of mentalites, but, in order to do so, it must be remembered that the school textbooks were not the only formers of popular attitudes in this sphere. Not only did state school and Catholic textbooks present rival views, albeit mainly to two distinct audiences, but the period from 1900 to 1940 saw a flourishing of popular history books addressed to adults. These were mainly of Right-wing inspiration and were directed against the academic orthodoxy of the Republican University. A central role was played in this enterprise of historiographical vulgarization by the nationalist and royalist Action Francaise movement, whose ideology was often explicitly or implicitly present in it. The aim of this paper is to analyse the view of the past presented by the Action Francaise historians, and to suggest that the function of their historiography was to project a particular conception of what society was and ought to be like.2


31 Dec 1976
TL;DR: Philippine Studies is published by the Ateneo de Manila University and aims to provide a forum for discussion and debate on the issues of Philippine Studies.
Abstract: Philippine Studies is published by the Ateneo de Manila University.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors argues that the most that can be expected from attention to the Christian era is a sense of how political thought developed when it was under the constraints imposed by religious beliefs.
Abstract: C HRISTlANITY WAS ONCE a dominant influence on political theory in the West. As the periodization of Western political thought is commonly interpreted today, this era of Christian dominance was a comparatively long one, and it is widely acknowledged to have exercised a considerable influence on subsequent political thought and practice. What significance does this fact have for contemporary theoretical reflection on politics? If the prejudices of modernity are accepted, especially in the extreme form in which they appear in positivistic thinking, the answer is "not much." Interest in the Christian period is minimal because it is perceived to be merely a part of the history of error that preceded the advent of modem wisdom. Modernity has brought the "emancipation" of political theory, so that the most that can be expected from attention to the Christian era is a sense of how political thought developed when it was under the constraints imposed by religious

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Sicard as mentioned in this paper traces the current Islamic Renaissance and underscores the new opportunities it affords Christians for vital communication with Muslims today, and concludes that Islam has a world mission that includes evangelistic activity, but is by no means limited to it.
Abstract: Like Christianity, Islam has a world mission. That mission includes evangelistic activity, but is by no means limited to it. In fact, the unity of Islam (religious, cultural, political, economic) is a much more dominant theme today. After two centuries of humiliating subservience to non-Muslims, the Islamic world experienced political emancipation after World War II and has made gradual but accelerating progress the past three decades toward recapturing its sense of unity — aided (and sometimes hindered) by the Palestine conflict, and by oil. In this paper, Professor Sicard traces the current Islamic Renaissance and underscores the new opportunities it affords Christians for vital communication with Muslims today.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For a long time "emancipation" in Africa meant solely liberation from European rule, but when 17 African states became independent in 1960 and when from 1956 to 1966 32 countries finally attained national sovereignty, the continent in part, emancipated itself from this type of colonial rule as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: For a long time ‘emancipation’ in Africa meant solely liberation from European rule. But when 17 African states became independent in 1960 and when from 1956 to 1966 32 countries finally attained national sovereignty, the continent, in part, emancipated itself from this type of colonial rule. Only in Southern Africa is it impossible to speak of emancipation in international legal terms. This state of affairs has engendered a strong sense of solidarity among independent African nations vis-a-vis the ‘unresolved’ area of the continent, as reflected in every conference of the Organisation of African Unity, as well as in many United Nations resolutions. However, it soon became clear to those who equated emancipation with legal sovereignty, with governments run by Africans with national flags and national anthems, that true emancipation must mean something else.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The only French colony where slavery was abrogated before 1848 was Mayotte (annexed in 1841), and the attempted colonisation was a complete failure resulting in a social situation which led to the 1856 uprising as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: J. Martin— The Emancipation of Slaves in Mayotte (Dec. 1846-July 1847). The only French colony where slavery was abrogated before 1848 was Mayotte (annexed in 1841). The decision was taken partly to avoid trouble with the R. N. anti-slavery squadron, partly to provide labour for the French settlers' plantations. Most of native landlords chose to leave the island with their slaves rather than to accept compensation for freeing them. Less than a third of the slaves were actually emancipated and those were unwilling to work either for the settlers or for the 'gouvernement1. The attempted colonisation was a complete failure resulting in a social situation which led to the 1856 uprising.