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Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 1997"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The concepts of empowerment and emancipation have gained common currency in recent years, not just within adult education but also in organizational management and industrial training as mentioned in this paper, and the notion of self-empowerment and self-dignity have become common currency.
Abstract: The concepts of empowerment and emancipation have gained common currency in recent years, not just within adult education but also in organizational management and industrial training. The notion o...

239 citations


Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: Keegan argues that the roots of South African racism lie in an earlier period, when the Cape was first integrated into the British empire of free trade of the early nineteenth century as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In this work of synthesis and reinterpretation, Timothy Keegan looks anew at the relatively neglected period of South African history before the mineral age - in particular the years of British rule up to the 1850s. For whereas a previous generation of historians saw the twentieth-century racial state emerging from the forces unleashed by the mineral revolution, Keegan argues that the roots lie in an earlier period, when the Cape was first integrated into the British empire of free trade of the early nineteenth century. Keegan's canvas is wide, his grasp of the historical literature magisterial, and his narrative is both eminently readable and skilful in handling a story that is complex and many-stranded. It is a story too that is strong in notable events - slave emancipation, the arrival of the 1820 British settlers, a series of frontier wars, the Great Trek of Boer emigrants - as well as in striking personalities, among them Dr John Philip, Andries Stockenstrom, John Fairbairn, Moshoeshoe and Sir Harry Smith. In Keegan's pages these familiar historical landmarks and characters emerge in entirely novel ways, the subject of fresh interpretation and original insights.

130 citations


Book
30 Jan 1997
TL;DR: Coquery-Vidrovitch et al. as mentioned in this paper traced the lot of African women from the eve of the colonial period to the present, exploring the stages and forms of women's collective roles as well as their individual emancipation through revolts, urban migrations, economic impacts, social claims, political strength, and creativity.
Abstract: Over the last century, the social and economic roles played by African women have evolved dramatically. Long confined to home and field, overlooked by their menfolk and missionaries alike, African women worked, thought, dreamed, and struggled. They migrated to the cities, invented new jobs, and activated the so-called informal economy to become Africa's economic and social focal point. As a result, despite their lack of education and relatively low status, women are now Africa's best hope for the future. This sweeping and innovative book is the first to reconstruct the full history of women in sub-Saharan Africa. Tracing the lot of African women from the eve of the colonial period to the present, Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch explores the stages and forms of women's collective roles as well as their individual emancipation through revolts, urban migrations, economic impacts, social claims, political strength, and creativity. Comparing case studies drawn from throughout the region, she sheds light on issues ranging from gender to economy, politics, society, and culture. Utilizing an impressive array of sources, she highlights broad general patterns without overlooking crucial local variations. With its breadth of coverage and clear analysis of complex questions, this book is destined to become a standard text for scholars and students alike.

113 citations


Book ChapterDOI
01 May 1997
TL;DR: In this article, an analytical framework aimed at highlighting and furthering the potential for emancipation of human rights politics in the current context of globalization and fragmentation of cultures and identities is proposed.
Abstract: *This article puts forth an analytical framework aimed at highlighting and furthering the potential for emancipation of human rights politics in the current context of globalization and fragmentation of cultures and identities. Given that human rights can (and have been) used to advance both hegemonic and counter-hegemonic forms of globalization, it is imperative to specify the conditions under which they can be used as a counter-hegemonic tool, that is, one that furthers the agenda of subaltern cosmopolitanism. I argue that this entails the recognition of the incomplete nature of every culture and the need to engage in cross-cultural dialogue, which I call “diatopical hermeneutics.” Finally, I consider a set of conditions under which diatopical hermeneutics is likely to lead to a cosmopolitan discourse and practice of human rights.

93 citations


Book
01 Sep 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, the cultural politics of Casta rule are analyzed and the disintegration of the Casta order is discussed. But the authors focus on the modernity at the edge of empire.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: tradition, modernity, nation and state 2. State, region and Casta 3. The contradictions of Casta rule 4. Casta contradictions historicized 5. The cultural politics of Casta rule 6. Modernity as emancipation I: the 'partido laboral independiente Amazonense' 7. Modernity as emancipation II: the 'alianza popular revolucionaria Americana' 8. The disintegration of the Casta order 9. Conclusion: modernity at the edge of empire Notes Bibliography Index.

74 citations


BookDOI
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: Gill and Gill as mentioned in this paper discuss the transformation and innovation in the study of world order and the role of the state in social and political theory, and present a synthesised ontology for a turbulent era.
Abstract: Part I. Rethinking Remaking the Roots of Global Social and Political Theory: 1. Transformation and innovation in the study of world order Stephen Gill 2. Consciousness, myth and collective action: Gramsci, Sorel and the ethical state Enrico Augelli and Craig N. Murphy 3. Critical realism and the demystification of interstate power E. H. Carr, Hedley Bull and Robert W. Cox Richard Falk 4. Ibn Khaldun and world order Mustapha Pasha Part II. Political Economy: the Social and Ecological Anatomy of Transformation: 5. Ecology, political economy and the counter-movement: Karl Polanyi and the second great transformation Mitchell Bernard 6. Braudelian reflections on economic globalisation: the historian as pioneer, Eric Helleiner 7. Social forces and international political economy: joining the two IRs Jeffrey Harrod 8. Transnational class formation and state forms Kees van der Pijl Part III. Transformation, Innovation and Emancipation in Global Political and Civil Society: 9. Globalisation and contested common sense in the United States Mark Rupert 10. The silent revolution and the weapons of the weak: transformation and innovation from below Fantu Cheru 11. Frantz Fanon, decolonisation and the emerging world order Randolph Persaud 12. Whose crisis? Early and post-modern masculinism V. Spike Peterson Part IV. Reflections on Global Order in the Twenty-First Century: 13. Civil society and democratic world order Yoshikazu Sakamoto 14. Imposing global order: a synthesised ontology for a turbulent era James N. Rosenau 15. The problem or the solution? Capitalism and the state system Susan Strange 16. Rethinking innovation in international studies: global transformation at the turn of the millennium James H. Mittelman.

74 citations


Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: Theologico-Political Treatise of Baruch de Spinoza (1632-1677) as mentioned in this paper is a classic defense of religious toleration and intellectual freedom, showing them to be necessary foundations for political stability and liberal regimes.
Abstract: Baruch de Spinoza (1632-1677)--often recognized as the first modern Jewish thinker--was also a founder of modern liberal political philosophy. This book is the first to connect systematically these two aspects of Spinoza's legacy. Steven B. Smith shows that Spinoza was a politically engaged theorist who both advocated and embodied a new conception of the emancipated individual, a thinker who decisively influenced such diverse movements as the Enlightenment, liberalism, and political Zionism. Focusing on Spinoza's Theologico-Political Treatise, Smith argues that Spinoza was the first thinker of note to make the civil status of Jews and Judaism (what later became known as the Jewish Question) an essential ingredient of modern political thought. Before Marx or Freud, Smith notes, Spinoza recast Judaism to include the liberal values of autonomy and emancipation from tradition. Smith examines the circumstances of Spinoza's excommunication from the Jewish community of Amsterdam, his skeptical assault on the authority of Scripture, his transformation of Mosaic prophecy into a progressive philosophy of history, his use of the language of natural right and the social contract to defend democratic political institutions, and his comprehensive comparison of the ancient Hebrew commonwealth and the modern commercial republic. According to Smith, Spinoza's Treatise represents a classic defense of religious toleration and intellectual freedom, showing them to be necessary foundations for political stability and liberal regimes. In this study Smith examines Spinoza's solution to the Jewish Question and asks whether a Judaism, so conceived, can long survive.

73 citations


Book
13 Oct 1997
TL;DR: Bound for the Promised Land as mentioned in this paper is the first extensive examination of the impact on the American religious landscape of the Great Migration, the movement from South to North and from country to city by hundreds of thousands of African Americans following World War I. In focusing on this phenomenon's religious and cultural implications, Sernett breaks with traditional patterns of history that analyze the migration in terms of socioeconomic considerations.
Abstract: Bound for the Promised Land is the first extensive examination of the impact on the American religious landscape of the Great Migration—the movement from South to North and from country to city by hundreds of thousands of African Americans following World War I. In focusing on this phenomenon’s religious and cultural implications, Milton C. Sernett breaks with traditional patterns of historiography that analyze the migration in terms of socioeconomic considerations. Drawing on a range of sources—interviews, government documents, church periodicals, books, pamphlets, and articles—Sernett shows how the mass migration created an institutional crisis for black religious leaders. He describes the creative tensions that resulted when the southern migrants who saw their exodus as the Second Emancipation brought their religious beliefs and practices into northern cities such as Chicago, and traces the resulting emergence of the belief that black churches ought to be more than places for "praying and preaching." Explaining how this social gospel perspective came to dominate many of the classic studies of African American religion, Bound for the Promised Land sheds new light on various components of the development of black religion, including philanthropic endeavors to "modernize" the southern black rural church. In providing a balanced and holistic understanding of black religion in post–World War I America, Bound for the Promised Land serves to reveal the challenges presently confronting this vital component of America’s religious mosaic.

71 citations


Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: The acquisition of citizenship rights became conditioned by specific legal rules, the so-called nationality laws, which codified the formal requirements which individuals must meet to be entitled to become citizens of concrete states.
Abstract: Citizenship is the quintessence of the modern individual’s political emancipation and equality in the eyes of the law. Citizenship as the bundle of civil rights enjoyed by free and formally equal citizens became bounded, however, almost from the start in the emerging bourgeois world dividing into territorial nation-states which vied for dominance. The acquisition of citizenship rights became conditioned by specific legal rules, the so-called nationality laws, which codified the formal requirements which individuals must meet to be entitled to become citizens of concrete states. As a consequence, citizenship rights became the exclusive privilege of those who were recognized as nationals of a particular state to the exclusion of the nationals of any other state so constituted.

63 citations


Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, gender, family, and the ending of Cape slavery are discussed, as well as the sexual politics of colonial identity in the post-emancipation era rituals of rule - infanticide and the humanitarian sentiment rape.
Abstract: Part 1 Introduction: gender, family and British slave emancipation. Part 2 Gender, family, and the ending of Cape slavery 1823-1838: familial boundaries and Cape slavery gender, sexuality and amelioration apprenticeship and the battle for the child. Part 3 Liberating the family? - 1838-1848: landscapes of emancipation labouring families. Part 4 Sexuality, race and colonial identities 1838-1853: marriage and family in the post-emancipation era rituals of rule - infanticide and the humanitarian sentiment rape, race and the sexual politics of colonial identity conclusion - family histories, slave emancipation and gender history.

50 citations


Book
14 Apr 1997
TL;DR: The authors provide a history of conservative social and political analysis from the mid-18th century through to our own day. But they focus on the origins of modern conservatism within the Enlightenment and distinguish between conservatism and orthodoxy.
Abstract: At a time when the label "conservative" is indiscriminately applied to fundamentalists, populists, libertarians, fascists and the advocates of one or another orthodoxy, this book offers a historically informed presentation of what is distinctive about conservative social and political thought. It is an anthology with an argument, locating the origins of modern conservatism within the Enlightenment and distinguishing between conservatism and orthodoxy. Bringing togther important specimens of European and American conservative social and political analysis from the mid-18th century through to our own day, the book demonstrates that while the particular institutions that conservatives have sought to conserve have varied, there are characteristic features of conservative argument that recur over time and across national borders. The book proceeds chronologically through the following sections: "Enlightenment Conservatism" (David Hume, Edmund Burke and Justus Moser), "The Critique of Revolution" (Burke, Louis de Bonald, Joesph de Maistre, James Madison and Rufus Choate), "Authority" (Matthew Arnold, James Fitzjames Stephen), "Inequality" (W.H. Mallock, Joseph A. Schumpter), "The Critique of Good Intentions" (William Graham Sumner), "War" (T.E. Hulme), "Democracy" (Carl Schmitt, Schumpeter), "The Limits of Rationalism" (Winston Churchill, Michael Oakeshott, Friedrich Hayek, Edward Banfield), "The Critique of Social and Cultural Emancipation" (Irving Kristol, Peter Berger and Richard John Neuhaus, Hermann Lubbe), and "Between Social Science and Cultural Criticism" (Arnold Gehlen, Philip Rieff). The book contains an afterword on recurrent tensions and dilemmas of conservative thought.

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, a qualitative social scientific study of the Dutch political discourse on multi-ethnic society between 1977 and 1995 is presented, based on the theoretical assumption that socio-cultural diversity (or homogeneity), socioeconomic equality (or inequality), and political-juridical unity (or fragmentation) play a central role in the political discourse.
Abstract: The thesis is a qualitative social scientific study of the Dutch political discourse on multi-ethnic society between 1977 and 1995 The central questions are: 1 Have the Dutch political parties' views on minority policy generally changed between 1977 and 1995, and, if so, in what direction? 2 Was in the first half of the nineties more disagreement on this topic than in the eighties? 3 What exactly are the differences of opinion between the parties on the topic of integration of minorities? The research proceeds upon the theoretical assumption that three concepts - including their counterparts - play a central role in the political discourse on the multi-ethnic society: socio-cultural diversity (or homogeneity), socio-economic equality (or inequality), and political-juridical unity (or fragmentation) It is assumed that the perspectives on multi-ethnic society will be seen to differ in the political parties' interpretation and application of these concepts The object of the research is approached in two ways First the attitudes towards multi-ethnic society and minority policy are investigated for each political party separately Next, the viewpoints of the parties are contextualized by examining the standpoints of the parliamentary groups of the parties in parliamentary debates on important government documents concerning minority policy In addition the reactions of major minority organisations on these government documents are analyzed A short answer to the first question is, that in general the viewpoints of the major political parties has shifted from a preference for a multicultural and group-oriented policy of emancipation in the eighties, to a preference for a more obligatory and individual-oriented policy of socio-economic integration in the nineties An reply to the second question is, that in the political discourse under scrutiny, the consensus between the main political parties about the minority policy has increased rather than decreased In order to answer the third question, in the conclusion a classification is made of the political parties' perspectives on integration that stresses the socio-economic, the socio-cultural and the political-juridical dimensions

Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: These are dramatic times. We have entered the era of global politics but have grown up in an age of national politics as discussed by the authors, and the sense of powerlessness comes with the cognitive and emotional anxiety of conventional frames of reference losing their relevance, without new imaginaries hospitable and welcoming enough being available.
Abstract: These are dramatic times. We have entered the era of global politics but have grown up in an age of national politics. Globalization generates anxiety because it places people within the reach of forces that are or seem to be outside the range of conventional forms of political control. Along with the sense of powerlessness comes the cognitive and emotional anxiety of conventional frames of reference losing their relevance, without new imaginaries hospitable and welcoming enough being available. Political conventions, analytical frameworks, mental habits and imaginaries are all under pressure.


01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: A detailed and complete account of married women's property law reform for any North American jurisdiction is given in this article. But it is only applicable to the Province of Upper Canada, where women had no legal right to hold, use, or dispose of property.
Abstract: Until this century, married women had no legal right to hold, use, or dispose of property. Since the ownership of property is a critical measure of social status, the married women's property acts of the nineteenth century were important landmarks in the legal emancipation of women. Reform campaigns represented the first organized attempts by women in Upper Canada to challenge their status in society. Ironically, emancipation was not the first goal of reformers: their demands reflected a concern with protection from economic instability. The laws granting women new rights and privileges were designed to force men to behave more responsibly and to mitigate the worst hardships imposed upon wives by abusive or negligent husbands. The most detailed and complete account of married women's property law reform yet written for any North American jurisdiction, this fascinating study will be of interest to those in the areas of law, women's studies, and nineteenth-century social history.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the roots of a policy are discussed and the limits of hard war are discussed, with Gestures of mercy, pillars of fire, and Emancipation as the touchstone of war.
Abstract: Introduction 1. The roots of a policy 2. Conciliation and its challenges 3. Early occupations 4. Conciliation abandoned 5. War in earnest 6. Emancipation: touchstone of hard war 7. From pragmatism to hard war 8. The limits of hard war 9. Gestures of mercy, pillars of fire.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Many narratives, some simple and some complex, can be constructed in order to tell the story of the American popular music industry as discussed by the authors, and these narratives reflect the multicultural synthesis that is believed in some quarters to infuse and inform our national history.
Abstract: Many narratives, some simple and some complex, can be constructed in order to tell the story of the American popular music industry. Certain of these narratives reflect the multicultural synthesis that is believed in some quarters to infuse and inform our national history. They conjure up the manner in which the demarcations between musical structures and genres as well as ethnic and racial constituencies never seem to be irrevocably fixed. As Ralph Ellison remarked more than forty years ago, "in the United States, when traditions are juxtaposed, they tend, regardless of what we do to prevent it, to merge."' These narratives furthermore support the belief that the history of the nation, like the history of its music, recapitulates the triumph of assimilation over isolation, the porousness of purportedly impenetrable barriers of gender, race, and class. Other narratives, by contrast, propose that the polysemic web of identities and forms of expression that constitutes the contested terrain of American society and civilization invariably collides with a national predisposition for social and cultural homogeneity. They infer that social as well as artistic emancipation constitutes other forms of enslavement, thereby underscor-

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a history and the politics of memory in Haiti, Haiti, Canada, and a Pan-African vision of freedom, emancipation, Reconstruction, and empire-building.
Abstract: Prologue: The Revolution Remembered: The Fifth of March, 1858 - PART 1: FASHIONING A MORAL COMMUNITY, 1775-1800 - In the Bowels of a Free and Christian Country, Living in the Revolutionary Era - Sons and Daughters of Distress: A Theology of Liberation - PART 2: ENVIRONMENTS OF MEMORY, 1800-1835 - From Laws and Revolutions, Freedom Lieux - Africa Envisioned, Africa Found - Moral Community, Ethnic Identity, and Political Action - PART 3: HISTORY AND THE POLITICS OF MEMORY, 1835-1860 - Haiti, Canada, and a Pan-African Vision - Biography, Narrative, and Memory: The Construction of a Popular Historical Consciousness - Epilogue: Emancipation, Reconstruction, and Empire-Building

Journal Article
TL;DR: The post condition as mentioned in this paper was coined by Niethammer whose book on the past careers of the concept of posthistory as published in Hamburg barely a few months after Francis Fukuyama, the philosopher from Rand Corporation, published his famous essay which he then went on to revise and expand into the even more famous book that outlines his own tamer version of Kojeve's philosophically magisterial statement on fin de l'histoire.
Abstract: The issue of 'postcolonial theory' shall detain us at some length presently. So, let me start by reflecting on the other term in the title of the discussion at hand: the Post Condition. The phrase itself is taken from Niethammer whose book on the past careers of the concept of 'posthistory' as published in Hamburg barely a few months after Francis Fukuyama, the philosopher from Rand Corporation, published his famous essay which he then went on to revise and expand into the even more famous book that outlines his own tamer version of Kojeve's philosophically magisterial statement on fin de l'histoire. In political persuasion, philosophical stance and structure of argument, the two authors could hardly be more dissimilar. It is uncanny, therefore, that both should have been concerned - Fukuyama as advocate, Niethammer from a position at once antagonistic and nuanced - with those strands in European intellectual history which have been fond of announcing that History has already ended. Since we hear so much these days about the End of History and its 'metanarratives of emancipation' - from Fukuyama in one register, but in many more registers from postmodernist, deconstructivist and postcolonialist positions - it might be useful to begin by reflecting briefly on some of the political origins of this postist philosophical reflex.

Book
01 Jul 1997
TL;DR: The Freedmen's Bureau, established by Congress in 1865, was born of the expansion of federal power during the Civil War and the Union's desire to protect and provide for the South's emancipated slaves as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Freedmen's Bureau, established by Congress in 1865, was born of the expansion of federal power during the Civil War and the Union's desire to protect and provide for the South's emancipated slaves. Established in Georgia during late 1865 and 1866, the Bureau was positioned to play a crucial role in the implementation of Reconstruction policy, translating directives, laws, and constitutional guarantees into the new reality promised by emancipation. In the end, however, the agency failed to leave a lasting impression on the state. Georgia's citizens were left to themselves to work out their new social, political, and economic arrangements. The ineffectiveness of the Bureau in Georgia and other southern states has often been blamed on the racism of its northern administrators, but the explanation of its failure is not so simple. Paul A. Cimbala shows a more complex picture of Reconstruction and the Bureau by examining the intellectual underpinnings of the men who ran the agency and how they organized their command, by exploring the personal stories of men who faced the problems of Reconstruction at the local level, by presenting a detailed account of the events that transpired along the Georgia coast in the Sherman Reservation, and by assessing the agency's work in education, relief, civil rights, and labor.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a first-person narrative of one archaeologist's struggle to achieve public participation in the archaeology of pre-emancipation Alabama is described, and the difficulties of working in a polarized community, famous both for its plantation past and its 20th-century racial strife.
Abstract: This paper is a first-person narrative of one archaeologist’s struggle to achieve public participation in the archaeology of pre-emancipation Alabama. This account details the difficulties of working in a polarized community, famous both for its plantation past and its 20th-century racial strife. Successful participation by local African Americans was only possible after the archaeologist’s academic interest in slavery took a back seat to the needs of the community. Ten years of failures and some successes are summarized. Concluding remarks outline the lessons learned.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early years of the war, the border states were dominoes, with Kentucky standing first in line as discussed by the authors, and the movement of large numbers of Northern troops into Kentucky during 1861 and 1862 was a watershed event signalling an abrupt end to slavery in the state.
Abstract: Louisville's racial legacy was shaped by Kentucky's strategic position as a border state during the Civil War and by the activities of Northern troops stationed there. Maintaining the allegiance of the border states was central to the success of Lincoln's presidency during the early years of the war (Howard, 1983). According to Lincoln's political calculations, the border states were dominoes, with Kentucky standing first in line. The state was deeply divided over the slavery question, and Lincoln reasoned that full emancipation might compel alignment with the Confederacy. Attempting to separate preservation of the Union from slavery, the president promoted gradual emancipation based on compensation and voluntary compliance (Howard, 1983). This policy temporarily appeased Kentucky slaveholders who. failed to recognize the ultimate need of the Lincoln administration to embrace an antislavery policy. The movement of large numbers of Northern troops into Kentucky, especially Louisville, during 1861 and 1862 was a watershed event signalling an abrupt end to slavery in the state.

Book
01 Feb 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, the creation of a slave society, 1664-1714, and the Black Revolution in Monmouth, 1775-1783, 1783-1804, 1804-1830, 1830-1865, and 1865-1930.
Abstract: Chapter 1 Foreword Chapter 2 Acknowledgments Chapter 3 Introduction Chapter 4 The Creation of a Slave Society, 1664-1714 Chapter 5 Small-Farm Slavery, 1714-1775 Chapter 6 Black Revolution in Monmouth, 1775-1783 Chapter 7 From Revolution to Emancipation, 1783-1804 Chapter 8 Gradual Emancipation, 1804-1830 Chapter 9 The Creation of Freedom, 1830-1865 Chapter 10 Epilogue Chapter 11 Selected Bibliography Chapter 12 Index

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, Sommers discusses the emergence of feminist consciousness and women's views on Marriage Fire and Water in Renaissance women, including the teaching of the fable, and the birth of women's autobiography.
Abstract: Contributors Introduction Part I: Women in History: The Emergence of Feminist Consciousness Women's Views on Marriage Fire and Water Paula Sommers Sex, Lies, and Autobiography Francis Cholakin The Teaching of the Fable Ruth P. Thomas Charriere's Family Albums Carol L. Sherman The Female Body and Eros the Body and Its Figures Tilde Samkovitch Marguerite de Navarre and Losuise Labe, Two Perspectives on Liberty for Renaissance Women G. Mallery Masters Women's Religious Choices The Absent Ellipsis Mary McKinley Charlotee de Bourbon's Correspondence Jane Couchamn Mme du Noyer Henriette Goldwyn Mothering Mysticism Elizabeth C. Goldsmith Education and Careers Madame de Maintenon's Resigned Strategy Marcelle Maistre Welch A Courtly Salon on the Eve of the French Revolution Gita May Sexual/Textual Politics in the Enlightenment Mary Trouille Part II: Women and Literature: Literary Emancipation Tradition and Subversion Helisenne de Crenne's Le Songe, Robert D. Cottrell The Fury of the Pen Jerry C. Nash Catherine des Roches, the Pastoral, and Salon poetics Anne R. Larsen Anne de Marquete's Smattering of Latin and Greek, Gary Ferguson Staging Mystic Rapture Olga Anna Dull Towards a Geneology of Women's Rhetoric in Seventeenth-century France Phillipe-Joseph Salazar Matriarchal Desires and Labyrinths of the Marvelous Kathryn A. Hoffmann taking the Podium Janie Vanpee Narrative and Rhetorical Innovation The Letter Roger Duchene Letters to a Libertine Janet Whatley The Memoirs of Marguerite de Valois and the Birth of Women's Autobiography Madeline Lazard Mme Roland Beatrice Didier The Authorial Mask as Metaliterary Device in Madame de Villedieu's Les Desordres de l'Amour Roxanne Decker Lalande Seizing the Pen Donna Kuizenga Memoirs, Publishing, Scandal Gabrielle Verdier Bibliography Index

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this article, the authors trace an intellectual odyssey, a search for a genuinely critical theory of Soviet socialism or to establish a dynamic relationship with contemporary social movements, and attempt a reconstruction of democratic theory based on civil society rather than class categories.
Abstract: The essays in this volume trace an intellectual odyssey, a search for a genuinely critical theory. The book begins with the question of why the Frankfurt School as well as other neo-Marxist and post-Marxist analysts, both in the West and in dissident circles in the East, failed to produce a critical theory of Soviet socialism or to establish a dynamic relationship with contemporary social movements. As the political struggle in Eastern Europe intensified, the author of this book disengaged from his own efforts to reconstruct a critical Marxism. Instead, he attempts a reconstruction of democratic theory based on civil society rather than class categories, and with a critical relevance not only to the transition from state socialism but more generally to the universal goal of emancipation.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1997-Agenda
TL;DR: In this article, the authors look at the high and low points of the historic decade in conversation with some of the women who made it happen in South African women's efforts have secured gender equality a central position in the country's democratic transition.
Abstract: Women's efforts have secured gender equality a central position in the country's democratic transition, benefitting millions of South African women. NATASHA PRIMO looks at the high and the low points of the historic decade in conversation with some of the women who made it happen

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In recognizing "dissident voices," postmodern scholarship in international relations (lR) performs an invaluable service as mentioned in this paper, which legitimates the multiple, contending, and interstitial identities that inhabit international life, thereby providing an analytical, not just humanitarian, basis from which marginalized voices can shout: "I, too, am valid!"
Abstract: In recognizing "dissident voices," postmodern scholarship in international relations (lR) performs an invaluable service. It legitimates the multiple, contending, and interstitial identities that inhabit international life, thereby providing an analytical, not just humanitarian, basis from which marginalized voices can shout: "I, too, am valid!" In so doing, this self-styled "dissident IR" disturbs the sovereign recitations: that power always triumphs over emancipation, continuity over change, sameness over difference, and control over understanding.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, an analysis of the social and educational status of women in Eritrea explores the extent to which women have achieved emancipation since the struggle for independence began in 1961 and concludes that the comprehensive and creative policies of Eritreas leaders to improve women status have succeeded in increasing the number of female graduates and teachers at all levels but that failure of the government to address a high female school drop-out rate is one of many indications that the government is abandoning active campaigns to end the oppression of women who switched their allegiance from domestic patriarchs to national patriarchs.
Abstract: This analysis of the social and educational status of women in Eritrea explores the extent to which women have achieved emancipation since the struggle for independence began in 1961. After an introduction the discussion is contextualized with a review of the educational experience of Eritrean women during the traditional and colonial periods. Attention then turns to policies and programs for the education of women during the national liberation struggle and after independence. In addition to assessing the role of education in womens emancipation the analysis considers formal and informal systems of education available to women during the armed struggle and after national liberation. Interviews with a diverse sample of women in 1983 and 1997 provide the basis for a discussion of womens perceptions about their status and their actual experiences. While the women show much continuity from 1983 in their attitudes and perceptions 1997 found them more critical and pessimistic about the Eritrean leaderships efforts to achieve gender equality and womens liberation. In addition the women report a conservative backlash in civil society against liberated women. It is concluded that the comprehensive and creative policies of Eritreas leaders to improve womens status have succeeded in increasing the number of female graduates and teachers at all levels but that failure of the government to address a high female school drop-out rate is one of many indications that the government is abandoning active campaigns to end the oppression of women who switched their allegiance from domestic patriarchs to national patriarchs.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Gender-technology studies offer nursing scholars new analytic directions and methodological tools to explore the nursing-technology relation and Nursing, in turn, offers gender- technology studies a rich empirical site to further its theoretical development.
Abstract: Exploring the gender-technology relation in nursing Feminist and nursing scholars have emphasized the critical role Western technology has played in the history and development of women and nursing Yet, despite their common ground in tying both the emancipation and the subordination of women and nurses to technology, there has been virtually no association between nursing and gender-technology studies Gender-technology studies offer nursing scholars new analytic directions and methodological tools to explore the nursing-technology relation Nursing, in turn, offers gender-technology studies a rich empirical site to further its theoretical development

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, the author describes how slaves in Barbados escaped the plantations despite the constraints of a relatively numerous white population, an organized militia, repressive laws, and deforestation, and concludes that slave flight was an enduring element of Barbadian slave society from the 17th c. to emancipation.
Abstract: Disputes the idea that Barbados was too small for slaves to run away. Author describes how slaves in Barbados escaped the plantations despite the constraints of a relatively numerous white population, an organized militia, repressive laws, and deforestation. Concludes that slave flight was an enduring element of Barbadian slave society from the 17th c. to emancipation.