Showing papers on "Emotional exhaustion published in 1969"

The job satisfaction and burnout levels of primary care health workers in the province of Malatya in Turkey.

Abstract: Objective The objective was to determine the job satisfaction and burnout levels of primary care health workers in Malatya in Turkey. Methods The sample of the study included 186 physicians, 126 midwives and 106 nurses working in primary health care. The Minnesota Job Satisfaction Scale and the Maslach Burnout Scale were used in the study. Results The general, internal and external job satisfaction score medians of the study group were 3.35, 3.50 and 3.12 respectively, while the median of the Maslach Personal accomplishment score was 23.00, the Emotional Burnout score median was 15.00, and the Depersonalisation score median was found to be 3.00. Conclusions The manner of their employment in the departments where they work, their perception of their economic circumstances and their satisfaction of the department where they work have an impact on the job satisfaction and burnout levels of workers.

The emotional basis of social behavior

Abstract: What are the causes of social behavior? From a theoretical viewpoint, there must be many factors affecting such behavior, since factors are known to modify behavior on every level of organization, from the ecological to the molecular. It follows that any unifactorial theory of social behavior is inadequate, and that any complete explanation of behavior must include the interaction of factors from all levels of organization. Even if only one level of organization is examined at a time, the evidence in most cases indicates that several factors may be operating. When the above ideas are examined, it will be evident that they represent a structural or anatomical approach to the analysis of emotional phenomena. In other fields of psychobiology, and particularly in developmental psychobiology, a slow revolution in scientific thought is taking place as concepts of processes replace anatomical or structural concepts as methods of study. In this paper, I shall attempt to apply the concept of processes to the study of emotions and to relate it to the older structural concepts.

Social organization and emotional behavior

Abstract: The category of behaviors referred to as emotional behavior patterns has undergone a transformation during the past 50 years. From the outset this descriptive category designated a class of responses experienced by human beings and referable to certain external conditions in the human environment. An emotional response corresponded to certain external manifestations in the appearance of an individual, coupled with a subjective change in mood. Naturally, when one considers studies on animals, all references to the experiential or subjective aspect must be left out of direct consideration, and attention is immediately concentrated on the expressive aspects of an animal in a defined set of circumstances. Generally, some response on the part of the animal is chosen which is taken to be an indicator of emotionality. Various physiological measurements are often taken as standard indicators of emotionality, e.g., the measurement of the frequency of urination or defecation in rats (Hall, 1934; Broadhurst, 1957). Recent attempts to define a physical basis for so-called emotional behaviors have resulted in the integration of physiological mechanisms and structures, including the hypothalamus and the thalamic projection areas, involving neural connections with both the sympathetic and parasympathetic aspects of the autonomic nervous system and, of course, the pituitary and endocrine organs (Lindsley, 195 1 ) . Thus, the immediate classical, physiological effects that are generally associated with emotional behavior, such as pupil dilation, increased sebaceous secretions, pilo erection, and mobilization of adrenalin, are now considered only one aspect of a continuum of response types. For the purposes of this paper, I will consider emotional behavior from the standpoint of not only short-range manifestations but also with respect to long-range, chronic effects, which may be more profitably discussed or referred to under the heading “Stress” (Selye, 1950; Christian, 1963). Given a defined circumstance for the expression, it has been known for some time that the propensity to express emotional behavior has, in part, a genetic basis. As early as 1932, Stone and co-workers were able to rate different strains of rats for wildness and savageness under standard conditions. To quote, “Differences in the trait of wildness and savageness were clearly displayed by our half breeds and full wilds as compared with the albinos, quarter breeds, and yellow hoods, prior to the age of 20 days; this fact together with that of the persistent differences shown in later life strongly suggests that the differences arise from hereditary rather than environmental factors.” Since this earlier work, there has been ample documentation of the genetic basis for emotional expression in rats, mice, dogs, and other mammalian organisms (Fuller & Thompson, 1960; Scott & Fuller, 1965). On the other hand, a vast body of evidence exists which amply demonstrates that the quality of early experience has a direct effect on the level of emotional behavior displayed in standard testing situations (Melzack & Scott, 1957). Correspondingly, early experience alters the level of resistance to long-term conditions of stress (Levine & Lewis, 1959). Without belaboring the theoretical nuances, let us assume that the capacity to express emotional behavior is under both genetic and experiential influences. The relative contribution of each of these two major sources of variation is amply dealt with elsewhere in this monograph.